UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON LIBRARIES
Jjlroaiitoap Jflebtebal Hfttarp
Edited by
G. G. Coulton and Eileen Power
m e OTorfe of
Hiubpranb of Cremona
Proatoap Jfle&tebal library
Edited by G. G. Coulton and Eileen Power
/
The Unconquered Knight
By Gutierre Dia 2 de Gamez
Miracles of the Blessed Virgin Mary
By Johannes Herolt
The Goodman cf Paris
By a Bourgeois of Paris, c. 1393
The Autobiography ofOusdma
By Ousama Ibn Mounkidh
The Dialogue on Miracles
By Caesarius of Heisterbach
Sir Lancelot of the Lake
A Prose Romance of the 13th Centuty
Historical and Other Works
By Liudprand of Cremona
Little John of Saintre
By Antoine de La Sale
Anecdotes from English MS. Sermons
Anecdotes of Thomas ofChantimpre
i
Published by
GEORGE ROUTLEDGE & SONS, LTD.
Cfje dBorfes of
Hiubpranb of Cremona
gntapobojste
Htber be Rebus! <&e£ttg d^ttoms!
Relatto be Hegattone Consftantmopolitana
Translated for the first time into English with an Introduction by
F. A. WRIGHT
Professor of Classics in the University of London.
Published by
GEORGE ROUTLEDGE & SONS, LTD.
BROADWAY HOUSE * CARTER LANE * LONDON
1930
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY HEADLEY BROTHERS
IS, DEVONSHIRE STREET, E.C.2 J AND ASHFORD, KENT
CONTENTS
PAGE
Introduction i
Antapodosis (Tit-for-Tat)
BOOK I 27
BOOK II 63
BOOK III IO5
BOOK IV I39
BOOK V I73
BOOK VI 203
Liber de Rebus Gestis Ottonis (A Chronicle
of Otto’s Reign) 213
Relatio de Legatione Constantinopolitana
(The Embassy to Constantinople) 233
Index 279
INTRODUCTION
I. LIUDPRAND’S LIFE AND TIMES
Liudprand — the name is variously spelled in Latin as
Liudprandus, Liutprandus, Liuprandus, Liucius, Leu-
cius, and in Italian as Liuzo, Liutio, Luzo, Luiso,
Luizo — was born a.d. 920 at Pavia, the ancient
Ticinum,thenoneof the moft important and flourishing
towns in North Italy, a rival to Milan, Verona, and
even Rome herself. He came of a wealthy and learned
Lombard family, whose members were closely con-
nected with the royal service, and when Hugh of
Arles, King of Italy, decided to send an embassy to
Constantinople in 927, Liudprand’s father was chosen
as envoy, the uprightness of his character and the
urbanity of his language, as his son declares, especially
fitting him for the poSt. The mission, which was of
a complimentary nature, was completely successful
in spite of the faCt that two large hounds, one of Hugh’s
presents to the Greek emperor, were with difficulty
prevented from biting their new maSter when for the
firffc time they saw him wearing a hood. This mishap
however was more than compensated for by a gift
which the envoy was able to make on his own account,
namely two chiefs of the Slavonic tribes, then in
revolt againCt Romanos, who had attacked the embassy
at Salonica and had been beaten off with the loss of
their two leaders. The emperor was hugely pleased
to get them in his power, and Liudprand’s father
came back to Italy richly rewarded.
r
Introduction
Soon after his return, however, he was seized by a
serious malady, and retired to a monastery, where
after a very short illness he died, leaving behind him
a wife and one small son. The wife soon married
again, her second husband, like her firSt, being z
person of rank and diplomatic experience ; a man, his
Stepson says, grave and honourable and full of wisdom.
As for the young Liuzo, he was taken into the royal
household at Pavia as a singing page, and by the
sweetness of his voice secured the especial favour of
the king, who was a passionate lover of music. Unfor-
tunately, Hugh was also a passionate lover of women,
and the ladies of easy virtue, such as the three nick-
named Juno, Venus and Semele, who thronged his
court, may have given the Studious youth that low
opinion of female chaStity which appears so frequently
in his later writings. However that may be, a page
in Hugh’s palace had unique opportunities for obser-
ving the weaker side of human nature and muSt have
been only too well acquainted with the scandals that
arise when a queen is openly slighted and a succession
of royal favourites take the place that is properly
hers. It is certain that the future historian was from
his early years familiar with the private life of kings,
and when in 942 Hugh sent a second embassy to
Constantinople, it was Liudprand’s Stepfather who was
placed at its head and successfully arranged for the
despatch of a Greek fleet to Italy and also for a marriage
between the grandson of Romanos and one of Hugh’s
illegitimate daughters.
But by this time Hugh’s fortunes were definitely
on the wane and his hold on Italy weakening. He had
never quite recovered from the check he had sustained
in 932, when at the invitation of Marozia, who was
then miStress of Rome, he had come to take both the
lady and the city for himself, but had been compelled
2
Introduction
by a sudden revolt of the Romans under Marozia’s
son Alberic, to leave a warm bed and slip ignomin-
iously down the city wall. It was becoming obvious
to all that Hugh’s real power was over, and that the
rising ftar was Berengar, marquess of Ivrea, heir
through his mother Gisla of Berengar I, successor
through his wife Willa to Boso, marquess of Tuscany.
Hugh tried to capture and blind him, but Berengar
escaped into Germany, whence in 945 he marched
with a small force into Italy and was by everyone
enthusiastically welcomed. Hugh, in order to save
something for his son Lothair, was compelled for
three years to be king only in name and died in 948,
leaving Berengar nominally guardian to Lothair but
really ruler of Italy.
These Stirring events had their repercussion on
Liudprand’s life. In his teens he muSt have Studied
zealously, making himself thoroughly acquainted with
the great classics of Latin literature, and when the
time came for him to decide upon his career, he chose
the pen rather than the sword, the cloiSter in preference
to the camp. As with the drunken Helot and the
Spartan boy, the wanton pleasures of Hugh’s court
served to turn him to the narrow path of virtue and
serious reflection, and when we next hear of the
quondam singing page, he has entered the church and
become a deacon at Pavia. The clerical profession
however, in the tenth century did not preclude a vaSt
amount of worldly activity, and Liudprand’s parents
Were both fully alive to their son’s literary talents and
also determined that he should use them to advantage
in iftate service. Accordingly Berengar was approached
and, if we may believe our account, was induced by
lavish gifts of money to appoint the young man as his
private secretary and chancellor, “ secretorum conscius
ac epiftolarum signatory whatever the words may
Introduction
mean. King Hugh was dead and Berengar reigned
in his Stead.
For a time all went well ; and then there was a
rift. It became necessary for Berengar in his turn
to send an embassy to Constantinople, and being “ a
man Stuffed full of cunning ” he looked about to see
if he could find an envoy who would make the voyage
at his own expense. Liudprand’s Stepfather was very
anxious that his talented Stepson should add a know-
ledge of Greek to the Latin he already possessed.
Berengar easily persuaded him that a visit to Con-
stantinople Was the very thing necessary. The Step-
father supplied the money for the journey, and
Liudprand set off down the Po from Pavia on AuguSt
1st, 949, reached Venice in three days, sailed across
the Adriatic in company with an envoy from Otto of
Saxony, who was bound for the same destination, and
finally arrived at Constantinople on September 17th.
The embassy was largely a matter of formal courtesy
and the envoy should have been supplied with hand-
some gifts for the Greek emperor. But when Liud-
prand came to examine his baggage, he found that
all Berengar had thought necessary in the way of
complimentary presents was a letter to ConStantine
Porphyrogenitus “packed with lies,” and that there-
fore he would be obliged to make the cuStomary
offerings from his own private Store. This he did
when the time came for him to be received by Con-
Stantine, the presence of other envoys from Spain
and Germany compelling him to a generosity he
scarcely felt. But it is plain that the mean trick
which he considered Berengar had played on him
rankled bitterly in his mind, and We need hardly look
for any other reason than this to account for the ill
feeling between maSter and servant that arose after
the latter’s return to Italy.
4
Introduction
The young Lothair died in November, 950, and
Berengar secured the eleftion of himself and his son
Adalbert as joint kings. But, as so often happened
in this period, no sooner had he reached the summit
of his ambition than his power began to fail.
His own avarice and the cruel greed of his wife Willa
alienated many others besides Liudprand, and soon
a Steady Stream of malcontents began to make its
way across the Alps into Germany, where Otto of
Saxony was in course of consolidating his position and
already thinking of adventures in the south. Among
these voluntary exiles was Liudprand, who muSt have
left his native land some time before 956, since we
know that in February of that year he made the
acquaintance at Otto’s court of the Spanish bishop,
Recemund of Elvira, envoy of Abd-ar-Rahman III,
the greatest of the Umayyad princes, who was then
making Cordova a rival in splendour to Bagdad.
Between the Spanish and the Italian cleric a close
friendship soon sprang up, and it was Recemund who
advised Liudprand to solace the griefs of the exile,
which he so often compares to the captivity of the
Jews in Babylon, by composing a history of his own
times. In response to this suggestion the Antapodosis
was begun at Frankfort in 958, reached its third book
in 960, and was Still in progress in 962. But meanwhile
Liudprand had added a knowledge of German to his
Latin and Greek, and by his varied accomplishments
had commended himself to the favourable notice of
Otto the Great. As early as 960 it would seem that
he undertook a mission to Constantinople on Otto’s
behalf, halting for a time on his way back at the
island of Paxos, off the coaSt of Epirus. As a reward
for this and similar services he was given the bishopric
of Cremona towards the end of 961, and accompanied
Otto when the latter at laSt decided that the time was
5
Introduction
ripe for him to enter Italy. In Liudprand Otto
found a skilful and devoted instrument for his Italian
policy, in Otto Liudprand gained a Staunch and
powerful proteStor ; and the result of this combination
of German vigour and Italian subtlety was seen on
February 2nd, 962, when Otto with his queen Adelaide
was crowned as Emperor of the WeSt by Pope John XII
at St Peter’s, and the Holy Roman Empire came into
existence.
So far Otto had triumphed ; but he and his minister
had Still some difficulties to overcome before they
could be sure of success. The Pope proved unfaithful
to his compact, and Liudprand’s old employer,
Berengar, was Still obstinately holding out in the
Apennines. In 964 therefore, both Otto and Liud-
prand appeared again in Italy, and with Liudprand
as his interpreter, for Otto could only speak German,
the Emperor denounced John’s conduct to a synod of
bishops and had him deposed from the papacy. Then
he turned on Berengar, captured him in his caStle
of St Leo, and sent him and his wife as prisoners to
Bamberg, where they both died in 966.
Thus the wheel of fortune brought prosperity to
Liudprand and disaster to the two enemies who had
so cruelly oppressed his family ; and after 966 we find
the name of the Bishop of Cremona continually
occurring in the records of the time. He was again
with Otto in South Italy, when the Emperor made his
unsuccessful attack upon the Byzantine dominions in
Apulia, and it was very probably at his own suggestion
that he was sent to Constantinople in June, 968, to
conclude a treaty of marriage between Theophano,
daughter of the late Emperor Romanos, and Otto II,
the emperor’s son. This embassy, rendered fruitless
by the obstinate cunning of Nicephorus Phocas, of
whom he draws a life-like portrait in his beSt known
6
Introduction
book the “ Legatio,” kept him away for over half a
year, and not until 969 did he return in deep disguft
to his imperial master.
So we come to the laft two years of Liudprand’s
life. We learn from legal documents Still extant that
he was at Cremona in April, 970, and it muff have been
in the next year that he made his laSt journey to
Constantinople, probably as a member of the embassy
that succeeded this time in arranging the marriage
between Theophano and Otto which he had vainly
tried to negotiate in 968. Of that journey we only
know from the curious and very characteristic Latin
Story given by von Ughelli ( Italia sacra IV. 589)
which is here translated : — •“ In the days of the moSt
illuStrious Emperor Otto I there was a certain bishop
of Cremona named Liuzo of holy memory. He was
one of the emperor’s chief confidants, a man prudent
in counsel and filled with the love of God ; and it was
he who found and graciously brought to Cremona
the body of the great Saint Hymerius. In the faithful
execution of the emperor’s orders he had frequently
to go backwards and forwards from the royal presence,
and one day it happened that he was in the neighbour-
hood of Rome. There he was visited by the Bishop
of Amelia, who had been driven from court by the
noisy voice of malicious envy and now addressed him
in mournful tones : ‘ DeareSt father, as the emperor
has given you the second place of honour in his realm,
I beg you to lend me your aid. Condemned on a
frivolous charge and Stricken by a severe and unjuft
sentence, I have now completely loft the emperor’s
favour. Have sympathy for my trouble and come to
my help, and I will give you in recompense any gift
that you please.’ To turn Liudprand replied : —
‘ You are the fortunate possessor of the bodies of the
saints. If you will make me fortunate by giving me
7
Introduction
one of them, I will regain for you the king’s good will.’
Thereupon the other said : 4 1 do not dare to satisfy
your request in this matter : for the bodies of the
saints are buried under their sacred altars. But I
have one saint held in high honour by the people of
this diftridt named Hymerius, and his body lies in a
wooden cheft. If I were able in some way or other
to get him for you and you could transport him to
your own city, I am quite sure that the presence of
so mighty a saint would bring you happiness.’ After
this conversation they went at once to the town of
Amelia and entered the church, pretending in kindly
cunning that they were going to celebrate the night
mysteries. Flinging themselves upon the ground in
prayer they devoted themselves for a long time to
vows and entreaties, begging favour for their holy
request, and before their prayers were hardly over
the whole piece of ground where Saint Hymerius
was lying trembled and shook. But though the
bishops were frightened, their credulous hopes drew
them on, and as the guardians of the church were faft
asleep they finally flood face to face with the Saint’s
tomb. They were juft beginning to break open the
cheft and extract the holy corpse, when one of the
guards awoke and started shouting — ‘ Get up, brothers,
get up quickly : they are stealing away the body of our
Saint Hymerius.’ At that worthy Bishop Liuzo ran
up to the guard, and giving him some money on the
spot asked him to Stop his noise. The man saw that
his own bishop was there, and putting the money in
his pocket said no more but gave them his assistance.
So they lifted out the precious body rejoicing and
doing homage, and after placing the holy members
in a perfectly clean receptacle they left the town
unobserved. Bishop Liudprand then returned to
Cremona with this joyful and longed for gift, and
8
Introduction
entering his city called together the people and showed
them the body of the blessed Saint Hymerius, while
they fell down in prayer and gave praise loudly to
God for bestowing on them such a patron. Later on
the Saint’s body was laid for the time behind the
Virgin’s altar, until the worthy bishop should decide
its final reeling place. But this he was not allowed to
do ; for soon afterwards the needs of the imperial
service took him to Constantinople, whence he never
returned.”
With that we muffc leave Liudprand. We know
that he died in January, 972, one year before the
death of his great mafter the emperor, but whether
his death took place in Constantinople or in Italy
soon after his return is quite uncertain.
II. LIUDPRAND’S WORKS
Manuscripts of Liudprand’s three books are fairly
numerous, though few exiSt in the great Italian
libraries. Liudprand’s own autograph has perished,
but a copy of it made in Italy by three scribes, one of
whom knew no Greek, is now in Munich. This MS.,
which bears the inscription, Liber s anile Marie
sanftique Corbin Frising, was probably once the
property of Abraham, Bishop of Freising (957-993),
and it is the archetype from which Becker’s three
families of MSS., A.B.C. derive. Each of these
families is represented by one manuscript in the
British Museum, and upon them modern editors
depend. The fir£t printed edition of the Antapodosis
was that of Petit (Paris, 1514), followed by that of
Hervagen (Bale, 1532). In the next two centuries we
9
Introduction
have Du Breul (Paris, 1603), Duchesne (Paris, 1641)
and Muratori (Milan, 1723). The firSl complete
edition of all the works is due to Pertz (Hanover, 1840),
reprinted in Migne’s Patrologia Latina, vol. cxxxvi
(Paris, 1853) and revised by Diimmler (Hanover,
1877). But all these have now been superseded by
Joseph Becker’s edition (Hanover, 1915)} an excellent
example of German scholarship at its beSt, to which
this translation is greatly indebted.
Rejecting as spurious two or three books that have
been wrongly attributed to Liudprand, we have three
genuine works from his pen, the Antapodosis , the
Gefta Ottonis, and the Legatio. Of these the Legatio
is the beSt known, and of it there is an English trans-
lation, fairly accurate but disfigured by some curious
mistakes, by E. Henderson in Bohn’s Library (“ Selett
Documents of the Middle Ages” 1896). The Legatio ,
an account of Liudprand’s embassy to Constantinople
in the reign of Nicephorus Phocas, is a valuable
document for the social life of Constantinople in the
tenth century. Of it, Schlumberger makes full use
in his brilliant Study, “ & epopee byzantine d la jin
du dixieme siecle ,” and concerning it he says : “ relation
celebre, qui eSt certainement un des documents
contemporains les plus precieux sur les evenements de
cette epoque, le seul qui nous donne les plus piquants
details sur la cour de Nicephore ... les por-
traits sont certainement exadts dans leurs contours
generaux, mais la col ere a aveugle l’dcrivain k un
point extraordinaire dans 1’ expose des details. II ne
faut done accepter que sous benefice d’inventaire ses
perpetuelles injures a l’endroit de tous ceux auxquels
il a eu affaire a Constantinople . . . ces reserves
faites on peut considerer d’une maniere gdndrale les
renseignements fournis par Liutprand comme dtant
d’une exactitude remarquable.” Not only does the
10
Introduction
Legatio give us a brilliant picture of Constantinople,
with its palaces, parks and churches, its troops of It ate
officials and its gorgeous Itate ceremonies, but from it
also we derive a clear idea of why it was that there was
so little real intercourse between Conitantinople and
Weltern Europe during medieval times. It is plain
that Liudprand and his companions cordially disliked
Byzantine food, Byzantine drink, Byzantine dress, and
Byzantine manners ; that they were not allowed to
ride on horseback through the streets seemed to them
an insult ; that the palace in which they were lodged
admitted the air freely was an intolerable hardship.
Byzantine splendour they thought extravagance,
Byzantine simplicity meanness. Evidently also in
dealing with a rough soldier like Nicephorus, the
cultured Italian prelate was at a disadvantage, and
his pundtilious regard for ceremony and readiness to
take offence go far to explain the failure of his mission.
The Legatio therefore has a psychological as well as
an historical interest, and as a narrative it is a wonderful
produdtion. The pen pidture of Nicephorus may be
quoted as an example : “ A monstrosity of a man, a
dwarf, fat-headed and with tiny mole’s eyes ; dis-
figured by a short, broad, thick beard half going gray ;
disgraced by a neck scarcely an inch long ; pig like by
reason of the big close briStles on his head ; . . .
a big belly, a lean posterior, very long in the hip
considering his short Stature, small legs, fair sized
heels and feet ; dressed in a robe made of fine linen,
but old, foul-smelling and discoloured by age ; shod
with Sicyonian slippers ; bold of tongue, a fox by
nature, in perjury and falsehood a Ulysses.”
As regards the Gefta Ottonis, the only fault that
can be found with it is its brevity, and the fa£t that
in spite of its title it deals fully with but one episode
in Otto’s reign. That episode, the deposition of
n
Introduction
Pope John XII, is, it is true, highly important in
itself and moreover is connected with one of the
cardinal events in history, the crowning of Otto, as
Emperor at Rome in 962. To this the opening
chapters briefly refer and then pass on to the main
subjedt. In the year 963 Otto received evidence that
John had summoned Adalbert to Italy and was trying
to ftir up the Hungarians to invade Saxony, and he
determined to depose his former ally from the papacy.
He therefore summoned a synod of the church under
his own presidency, of whose members Liudprand
gives a long lift, beginning with the patriarch of
Aquileia, and descending by way of archbishops,
bishops, cardinals, minor clergy and Roman magnates
to the one solitary representative of the common
people. At this synod charges were brought forward
againft the Pope of simony, sacrilege, fornication,
drunkenness, and many minor misdemeanours ; and
he was summoned to appear and clear himself in
person. John’s answer was a threat of excommun-
ication, and a second letter to him could not be
delivered, as he had prudently left Tivoli for an
unknown destination. Therefore, since it was impos-
sible to give the three canonical warnings, Otto in
person accused John of a breach of fealty to himself,
and the synod deposed him, electing Leo the chief
notary in his place. An abortive attempt to regain
Rome was made by John, an attempt which Liudprand
with his usual prejudice againft the female sex attri-
butes to the influence of his lady friends, but it was
crushed with much bloodshed by Otto, who had
remained with a few veteran soldiers in the city. A
second usurper, Benedict, was sent into exile, and the
record closes with the reinstatement of Otto’s nominee
as Pope Leo VIII.
The Antapodosis is considerably the longest of
12
Introduction
Liudprand’s works, in bulk juft three times the size
of the Legatio and the Gedla Ottonis taken together,
so that a brief summary of its contents may be useful.
The period covered by it extends from 887 to 949,
and the firft three of its six books are concerned with
events that happened before the author’s time, each
book being carefully arranged to make a dramatic
whole. Book I, after a preface addressed to Recemund,
begins with the Saracens in Provence, and then diverges
abruptly to Constantinople, with tales of the Emperors
Basil and Leo. Returning to Europe the narrative
takes up its main theme, the long Struggle for the
throne of Italy between Berengar and Wido, better
known to us as Guido or Guy, a Struggle complicated
by the intervention of Arnulf, Emperor of Germany.
A digression to Roman affairs affords opportunity for
the grim Story of Pope Formosus, and then comes
the equally Strange episode of the deadly potion given
to Arnulf by Wido’s wife. Wido’s death leads to the
appearance of his son Lambert, the hero of this drama,
and his lamentable end by treachery at Marengo
brings down the curtain.
As the firft book of the Antapodosis began with the
Saracens, so the second book begins with the Hungar-
ians, the other great scourge of Italy at this period,
and with their fierce conflicts againSt Berengar I, now
ruler of Italy. Then we pass into Central Europe and
are introduced to Henry of Saxony, father of the Otto
afterwards emperor, who, more fortunate than Beren-
gar, succeeds in defeating the Hungarians at Merse-
burg. Returning southwards again we take up the
fortunes of Berengar, who henceforth becomes the
chief adfor in the play. An interlude deals with Pope
John of Ravenna, elevated to the papacy by the
harlot Theodora, and with the Saracens in South Italy
defeated by a joint force of Italians and Greeks. So
13
Introduction
we come to the revolt against Berengar led by Adalbert
and Gislebert, and its complete failure. Berengar’s
success against these rebels, however, is counter-
balanced by the arrival of a more powerful rival,
Rodulf, king of Burgundy, and the unfortunate ruler
retires to Verona, where his tragical death ends this
book.
The firft chapter in Book III explains the title
“ Antapodosis,” and then we have the highly coloured
account of the burning of Pavia by the Hungarians in
924, when Liudprand was a small boy of four. The
episode of the captivating Ermengarde and the effect
of her charms on Rodulf leads to the entrance of a new
hero in Hugh of Arles, whose embassy to Constantin-
ople gives occasion for another long digression on
Byzantine affairs and for an account of the rise to
power of the Emperor Romanos. Hugh’s cautious
handling of the plot hatched againSt him at Pavia,
and his rash adventure with the fair Marozia at Rome
form the next two scenes, and this book comes to a
happy conclusion with his victory over Arnold, duke
of Bavaria.
Book IV brings us to events of which Liudprand has
personal knowledge, and introduces us to the villain
of the piece, Berengar, marquess of Ivrea, together
with his brother Anscar and his wife Willa. Hugh
for the moment retires into the background and his
place is taken by Otto of Saxony. With German
affairs the last two-thirds of this book are entirely
concerned, and we have an elaborate account of the
death of King Henry, of the succession of Otto, and
of the rebellion of his brother Henry againfk him.
Then a long description of the sacred spear and proofs
from Scripture that Otto’s triumph was due to God’s
special favour lead up to the final scene of Henry’s
defeat.
14
Introduction
Book V takes us back to Hugh, and to his dealings
with Berengar and Anscar. The latter’s death and the
escape of Berengar to Otto’s court are described, and
then Hugh’s second embassy to Constantinople leads
us eastwards once more for an account of the deposition
of Romanos by his son and of their expulsion by
ConSfantine Porphyrogenitus. Then returning to
Italy the adtion quickens. Berengar marches oyer the
Alps and is joined by the intriguing bishop Manasses.
Hugh’s supporters desert and this book ends with the
villain apparently successful. Book VI is now only
a fragment of a few chapters describing Liudprand’s
firSt Byzantine mission, and it is impossible to say
how the Antapodosis ended. As things Stand the
Gefta Ottonis may be regarded as the pendant that
sets forth the ultimate triumph of virtue and defeat
of vice.
It will be seen from this analysis that the Anta-
podosis in its present form has very little to do with
Berengar II and his misdeeds. The narrative is
fairly equally divided between Italy, Germany and
Constantinople, and its chief interest, apart from its
very great literary skill, is the light that it throws
upon the condition of Southern Europe in the author’s
time. A modern reader who has cherished the belief
that the tenth century was the darkeSt period of a
dark and barbarous age will find with surprise that
the Italy of which Liudprand writes was not after all
much more uncivilized than the Italy of Augustus
or the Italy of Mussolini. Life was certainly more
dangerous then than it had been under the Roman
Empire or than it is to-day; but it was neither
Stagnant nor mechanical.
If we read Liudprand carefully we shall discover
that there are many bright colours in the picture for
which some historians have used such gloomy hues.
15
Introduction
Hungarians and Saracens may raid and plunder,
Normans burn Utrecht, and Danes in their long ships
sail up the Rhine and destroy the great Roman palaces
in Aix and Treves; but commerce and agriculture
flourish in spite of these disturbances, and when the
Hungarian scouts come down into the Lombard
plains they see such wealth as they never expected
to behold in this world. Sea-borne trade also goes
briskly on, and of two of its branches in Italy and
France Liudprand gives us some curious information.
The merchants of Amalfi, it appears, specialized in a
contraband trade with Constantinople. To it they
exported the oil and fruit of their home country and
from it they returned with smuggled cargoes of the
precious purple-dyed cloth which the Byzantine
authorities thought too good for the reft of the world
to wear. The merchants of Verdun for their part
were engaged in a business even more immoral.
Emissaries from their town searched Northern France
for well grown boys, and got them from their homes
by force or fraud or bribery. Once within the walls
of Verdun their fate was certain ; they were caftrated
and sent into Spain, and those unfortunates who were
not absorbed by the Spanish market were taken over-
seas to Constantinople and disposed of there.
It may be thought that trades such as the laft two
mentioned are no very Strong proof of civilization.
They are not ; but they are evidence of a business
intercourse between diftant countries which would be
impossible in a barbarous age. This facility of com-
munication, foftered by a common language and a
universal religion, was one of the greateft advantages
of Liudprand’s time, and it enabled our historian to
acquire that knowledge of his world which he uses to
such excellent advantage.
16
Introduction
III. LIUDPRAND AS A WRITER
Liudprand was a remarkable man, a character in
the English sense of the word, full of whims and
idiosyncrasies ; he lived in stirring times and in many
of the great events of those times he played a prominent
part ; and thirdly he possessed a keen eye for the
dramatic and a rare sense of humour. The Style is
the man, and the triple influence of personality,
environment and natural genius is plainly evident in
Liudprand’s writings. A. bishop well versed in the
Holy Scriptures and able to turn them readily to his
own purposes, he was equally well acquainted with, and
equally ready to use such extremely unclerical writers
as Terence and Horace. A patriotic Italian deeply
devoted to his native city of Pavia, he was also a
cosmopolitan traveller who had personal knowledge of
moSt countries in Central Europe, of all the northern
coaSts of the Mediterranean, the Greek islands, and
those parts of Asia Minor that border on Constantin-
ople. A learned scholar and a brilliant linguist, he
was also a man of the world and a diplomat admitted
to the secret councils of kings and emperors, able
to hold his own with the Caliph’s confidential agents
and the Byzantine emperor’s eunuch ministers.
In considering the technical features of his Style,
there are three points that at once attract attention :
his habit of mingling prose and verse in narrative ;
his frequent introduction of quotations, aCtual or
virtual, from poets and prose authors ; and his
continual interlarding of Latin with Greek words,
phrases and sentences. None of the three are complete
innovations, but they are all three pushed to a degree
that makes them extremely interesting.
In matter the Antapodosis is a hiStory, but in form
it is one of the beSt examples we possess of the Satura,
x 7
Introduction
that peculiar blend of prose and verse which the
Romans claimed as their chief literary invention.
Varro under the Republic, Petronius in the reign of
Nero, Capella and Boethius in the fourth and fifth
century, Paul the Deacon in the eighth, are all Liud-
prand’s predecessors in this field. But he Skands out
conspicuous among them, both for the number of his
poetical efforts and for the variety of metres he employs.
In the firft five books of the Jntapodosis there are no
less than fourteen pieces of original verse, seven of
them in hexameters, two in elegiacs, one in anapaests,
one in asclepiads, one in hendecasyllabics, and two in
the curious varieties of the da&ylic hexameter so
popular with medieval poets.
The second point is his love of quotations from the
classics, a practise that gives us a fairly clear idea both
of the extent to which Latin authors were read in the
Middle Ages and also of the comparative popularity
of their works. For Liudprand, of course, the firSt
book is the Vulgate, and with the Old and New
Testaments he is thoroughly acquainted. But it is
plain also that Virgil, Horace, Terence and Cicero
were to him familiar friends. Quotations from Virgil
are very numerous, and his own verse, such pieces,
for example, as “ The Burning of Pavia ”, follow
closely on Virgilian lines. Horace comes next after
Virgil, and passages from the Odes are both given in
full and also worked into the narrative. Terence is
an almoSt equal favourite, the references to him often
implying in the reader an acquaintance with the
comedies as close as that of the writer himself. Cicero
does not appear quite so frequently in direSt quotation
as these three, but his influence is pervasive, as is
shown by the many allusions to “Tullian eloquence”
and “Tullian wit”. Occasionally, too, as in the
great outburst againSt Catiline, “ Quousque abuteris
r8
Introduction
patientia ? ”, Cicero’s words are put into the mouths
of Liudprand’s speakers. We have quotations also
from Juvenal, Persius, Ovid, Martial, Lucan and
Boethius ; indeed of all the great Romans the three
historians Caesar, Livy and Tacitus are almoSt the only
writers who are not laid under contribution.
But the moSt engaging feature of Liudprand’s
prose Style, for which he has the good authority of
Cicero and Varro, is his habit of sprinkling his narrative
with Greek phrases and sentences, writing them firSt
in Greek, and then in Roman characters, and finally
giving a Latin translation — “ aSeXpot mi
adelfi mi, quod interpretatur : nequaquam, fratres,
nequaquam ”. The two longeSt examples of this
bilingual manner occur in the third book of the
Apodosis, the Story of the emperor Romanos and the
lion (Ch. XXV), which is written throughout in a
medley of Greek and Latin, and the well-known
anecdote of Zeus and Hera (Ch. XLI) which is firSt
given complete in Greek and is then followed by a
Latin translation. But besides the use of Greek for
continuous narrative, Liudprand from necessity or
choice employs a number of single Greek words which
add to the exotic flavour of his Latin. When he is
writing of Byzantine life and manners this is almoSt
unavoidable, for such terms as “ logothetes ”, “ chel-
andia ”, “ carzimasia ”, have no convenient Latin
equivalent. Occasionally, moreover, a Roman title,
transliterated into Byzantine Greek, is transliterated
again into Latin with curious results. For example,
“ Adalbertus comis curtis ” might mean “ Adalbert
of the short hair ” ; but it does not. “ Comis
curtis ” represents the Byzantine ko^us Kovprrn, which
itself represents the Latin “ comes cohortis ”, a title
equivalent to the classical “ praefeftus praetorii ”, the
officer in command of the household troops. The
19
Introduction
necessities of technical language, however, only account
for a very small number of the Greek words that
Liudprand borrows. In most cases they are due to
sheer caprice and Greek takes the place of Latin purely
for decorative effedt. “ Philargyria ”, for example,
replaces “ avaritia ” ; “ entolina ” equals “praecep-
tum”; “ echmalosia ”, “ cleronomia ”, “ apocrisis ”
are substituted for “ captivitas ”, “ hereditas ”, “ res-
ponsio”. How far all this was appreciated by
Liudprand’s contemporaries is perhaps doubtful ; but
to a modern the bizarre mingling of the two languages
is delightful. Unfortunately it is not easy to reproduce
the effedt in English, and a transposition of the Greek
into French italics, which is the simplest method,
gives a result which is neither as Striking nor as
humorous as the original. However, it has been
used here in default of anything better; and those
readers who find my French pas tris idiomatique
muSt remember that Liudprand’s Greek is in the same
predicament.
These peculiarities of didtion give Liudprand’s pages
a rather Strange look at times, and this Strangeness is
accentuated by his use of words and constructions not
found in classical authors. But Liudprand is too good
a writer to be ever really obscure, and his deviations
from the normal rules of Latin prose soon cease even
to attract notice. Occasionally, it is true, a sentence
will occur which at firSt sight offers some difficulty ;
and perhaps two examples may be given as an illus-
tration of what his Latin is like when he diverges from
his wonted simplicity. The firdt is from the tale of
Hatto and Adelbert — •“ Adelbertus quidam, non
quilibet, sed magnus ille heros ” (Ant. II. vi). The
king’s soldiers had tried to entice Adelbert from his
cadfcle by a feigned attack — “ Adelbertus itaque pro-
ludii huiusmodi non solum gnarus, verum etiam
20
Introduction
debriatus, obviam bis tam longe a caftro processerat,
ut non hunc milites eousque ex adversariis esse
cognoscerent, quoad eorum cervicibus iStius mucro
caedis impaciens desaeviret ”. Here debriatus , “ de-
ebriated ”, an intensive form of inebriated, seems to be
used in a metaphorical sense, rather like our “ fed
up ” ; and the colour given to the sentence by the
unusual word is intensified by the magnificent
rhythm of its conclusion. The other comes from
the account of the acrobats seen by Liudprand at
Constantinople (Ant. VI. ix). “ Venit quidam
viginti quattuor et eo amplius pedum longitudinis
lignum sine manuum amminiculis in front e gerens,
quod cubito a summitate inferius, bicubitum trans-
versim habuerat
It should be plain from these details that Liudprand
is an author well worthy of critical attention, and it is
a curious commentary on the limitations set to Latin
Studies in this country that to moSt classical scholars
he is completely unknown, and that up till now no
edition or translation of the Antafodosis has appeared
in our language. Technically his interest is very great,
but he has other and more convincing claims to
remembrance, for he is one of the few writers who have
contrived to make hiStory amusing as well as inStrudtive.
The Roman conception of hiStory was fundamentally
unsound ; it began as a bald compilation of annual
events and it soon degenerated into a biassed expression
of political sentiments. Even the beSt of Roman
historians, such men as Livy and Tacitus, are undoubt-
edly far more preoccupied with the problems of
literary Style than they are with questions of adtual
fa6t. Moreover, both Livy and Tacitus, like moSt of
their countrymen, have a very Strong sense of their
own dignity and what they consider to be the dignity
of hiStory, so that humour is almoSt completely
21
Introduction
banished from their pages. Their successors in the
firSt centuries of our era did their beSt to follow on the
lines they had laid down, and it was not until the early
Middle Ages that any writer rediscovered the secret
of Herodotus’ charm.
From the standpoint of the Strictly scientific historian
Liudprand is perhaps rather unsatisfactory, and the
criticism [passed on him by Mr. Previte-Orton is not
altogether unjuSt ; — (Cambridge Medieval HiStory III
160.) ‘If there had survived another business-like
Italian chronicle, like that of Flodoard for France,
Liudprand would have earned more gratitude from
posterity than he does for his vivid narrative, his point ed
character-sketches and the brush-like abundance of
“ local colour ” with which he overlays his scanty faCts.
As it is in his Antapodosis we have a difficulty in
obtaining a firm foothold for history amid the crumb-
ling and quaking mass of rancorous, if often contempor-
ary, gossip which Liudprand loves to heap up. Of
noble birth, bred at King Hugh’s court, and once
Berengar II’s secretary, he was in the beSt position to
give accurate and full information, but he had a soul
above documents. It is hardly his fault that he
depended on oral tradition for all events before his own
time for there seems to have been no Italian chronicle
for him to use, but he evidently made no record at the
time and when he wrote rented wholly on a memory
which rej edted dates and political circumstances and was
singularly retentive of amorous scandal however devoid
of probability. He does not even tell in his unfinished
work the cause and events of his persecution by
Berengar to which he frequently alludes, while
sketching with fine precision the diary of his reception
at Constantinople whither he firSt went as Berengar’s
envoy. For what interested him he could remember
and tell to the life. To his credit be it said that he
22
Introduction
was no liar, though he may be found suppressing
an unpleasant fa<S ; what he heard he told, and
perhaps we may grant him that he gave a ready,
and sometimes a determined, belief to the gossip of
anterooms and the tradition of wrathful factions.
It is unfortunate, for he was a practical statesman,
and knew and sometimes reveals, the motives of his
times.’
To impartiality and to a cool and critical examination
of fadts Liudprand does not pretend ; but as a teller
of Tories he is very hard to beat. It is not that the
incidents he relates are always excessively remarkable.
The number of good tales in the world is notoriously
small, and the three be£t, The Ring of Gyges, The
Egyptian Thief, and The Milesian Widow, had been
told some hundreds of years before his time. Where
Liudprand excels is in the manner of his narrative,
for his sly malice gives a Puck-like charm to details
that in less skilful hands would seem either insignificant
or offensive. Stories, long and short, are scattered
lavishly through the Antapodosis, and they are of all
kinds, romantic, realistic, tragic and broadly comic.
There is the Arabian Nights fantasy of the Emperor
Leo and the venal policeman ; there is the Ingoldsby
Legend of the trick played by the wicked Bishop
Hatto ; there is the very Rabelaisian anecdote of
Willa and the hidden belt. If the reader likes grue-
some horror, he will find it in the ftory of the exhumed
Pope ; if he likes simple pathos, he can turn to the
tragic narrative of King Berengar’s unhappy end ; if
he relishes a touch of Gallic wit, he will delight in the
ingenious arguments whereby the Greek wife saved
her husband from a cruel fate. Each of these tales
is a gem, and though it may seem extravagant praise
there is really only one historian who is as entertaining
as Liudprand, and only one Latin author who can
23
Introduction
equal him in brisk and lively narrative. Liudprand
can hold his own with Herodotus and Petronius, and
those who love the artful simplicity of the Ionian
traveller and the vivid realism of Nero’s arbiter of
fashion will find a worthy companion to them both
in the Bishop of Cremona.
ANTAPODOSIS
Tit-for-Tat
CONTENTS
book I
In the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Gho£t ? here
begins the book Antapodosis , Tit-for-Tat, repayment to the kings and
princes of part of Europe, written by Liudprand, deacon of Pavia,
en captiviti , an exile in foreign lands, and dedicated to Recemund
Bishop of Elvira in Spain.
CHAPTER page
I Prefatory 31
II Of the caftle of Fraxinetum and its situation . 33
III How the Saracens captured Fraxinetum . • 33
IV How owing to the feuds of the Provencals, the
Saracens at their invitation laid Provence wafte . 34
V Who at this time was emperor of the Greeks, what
kings were ruling the Bulgarians, the Bavarians,
the Franks, the Saxons, the Swabians and the
Italians, and who was recognised as Pope of Rome 35
VI Why the Emperor Leo was called Porphyrogenitus 35
VII Of the Porphyra Palace and who built it . . 35
VIII Of Basil’s family history and how the Emperor
Michael took him to his palace .... 36
IX Of the malady of the Emperor Michael and how
Basil killed him and became himself emperor . 36
X Of Basil’s dream when he saw Our Lord Jesus
Christ calling him to account for Michael’s death,
and of the alms that this same Basil made . . 37
XI How the Emperor Leo was taken prisoner one
night by his own guards, and not being recognised
was put in prison and whipped, and how the
prison warder let him go, and how the emperor
himself whipped the guards who had not whipped
him, and gave honour to those who had whipped
him 37
27
Antapodosis
CHAPTER page
XII
Of an excellent trick which the same emperor
played in the matter of the sleepers and the gold
coins ........
42
XIII
Why King Arnulf broke down the barriers and
let the Hungarians loose .....
44
XIV
Of Wido and Berengar, who confirmed their
friendship with an oath and then broke it, and
why a friendship of this sort can not laft
46
XV
Of Berengar’s appointment as king of Italy after
Charles’ death .......
47
XVI
How Wido by his Reward’s fault was reje&ed by
the Franks .......
47
XVII
Of Wido’s return to Italy .....
48
XVIII
Of the battle between Wido and Berengar .
48
XIX
Of the second battle between them and of
Berengar’s flight
48
XX
Of Arnulf s son Zentebald, whom he sent to Italy
to help Berengar ......
48
XXI
How a Lombard killed a Bavarian in battle .
49
XXII
Of King Arnulf, who came to Italy at Berengar’s
invitation
5°
XXIII
How this same Arnulf took Bergamo and hanged
Count Ambrose ......
So
XXIV
Of the people of Milan and Pavia, who came over
to Arnulf .......
So
XXV
Of Wido’s retreat before Arnulf ....
5i
XXVI
Arnulf s exhortation to battle ....
Si
XXVII
How Leonine Rome was captured
5 1
XXVIII
How because of Pope Formosus, Arnulf ordered
many of the Romans to be beheaded .
5 2
XXIX
Why there was ill feeling between Formosus and
the Romans .......
52
XXX
Of Pope Sergius, who ordered the corpse of
Formosus to be exhumed ....
52
28
Tit-for-Tat
CHAPTER PAGE
XXXI
Of Formosus’ dead body, how it was thrown into
the Tiber by Sergius, and found by fishermen,
and saluted by the images of the saints
S3
XXXII
How Arnulf besieged a cattle called Strong Cathie
and how Wido’s wife gave him a deadly potion .
54
XXXIII
Of the mischief done by Arnulf s men
55
xxxiv
Of Arnulf s return and Wido’s attendance .
55
XXXV
How the Italians slighted Arnulf and how Marquess
Anscar hid himself at Ivrea ....
55
XXXVI
Of Arnulf s shameful death ....
56
XXXVII
Of Wido’s death and the appointment of his son
Lambert as king ......
56
XXXVIII
Of Lambert’s expulsion and Berengar’s recall
57
XXXIX
Of Count Manfred, who was beheaded as a rebel
by Lambert .......
57
XL
Of Marquess Adalbert and Count Ildebrand, who
came to fight against Lambert ....
58
XLI
How King Lambert fell upon Adalbert and Ilde-
brand by night, killed their soldiers, and took
them alive
58
XLII
How Lambert was killed at Marengo by Hugh,
son of Manfred, in vengeance for his fathers
death ........
59
XLIII
How Berengar obtained the throne after Lambert’s
death ........
60
XLIV
A panegyric on King Lambert ....
61
29
BOOK I
Ch . I. To the reverend Lord Recemund, Bishop
of Elvira, full of all sandHty, Liudprand, the
unworthy deacon of Pavia, sends greetings. For two
years, dearest father, through lack of skill I have
postponed compliance with your request, when you
urged me, as one who did not depend on doubtful
hearsay but had the sure knowledge of an eye-witness,
to set down the doings of the emperors and kings of
all Europe. The following considerations deterred me
from beginning the task ; firstly, my own complete
lack of eloquence, and secondly, the thought of my
critics’ jealousy. These men, swollen with super-
ciliousness and rendered sluggish by much reading,
possessed, as the wise Boethius says, of a fragment of
Philosophy’s robe and imagining that they have the
whole garment, will jeer at me and cry : “ Our
predecessors have already written so much that soon
there will be fewer readers than there are books ”.
And then they will quote the line from the play 1 : —
“ Nothing can be said to-day, sirs, which has not been
said before ”.
To their yelpings I make this reply. Lovers of
learning are like men sick of the dropsy : as these
thirffc the more ardently the more water they drink,
so students, the more they read, the more eagerly seek
after new knowledge. Let ftudents then, when they
are wearied by the difficult perusal of Cicero’s wit,
find recreation in these outpourings of mine. For,
1 Terence, Eunuchus , Prologue 41.
31
Antapodosis
if I am not mistaken, juft as the eyes are dazzled and
blinded by the sun’s rays, unless some subffcance
intervenes to cloud their pure brilliancy, so in the
case of our academic, peripatetic and ffcoic philos-
ophers the mind is weakened by the constant ftudy of
their dodtrines unless it finds refreshment in the
useful humours of a comedy or in the deledtable
histories of heroic men. If the accursed rites of the
pagans of old are thought worthy of description in
books, although, so far from being helpful, they are
dangerous even to hear about, why should we pass
over in silence the campaigns of such great commanders
as Caesar and Pompey, Hannibal, his brother Has-
drubal and Scipio Africanus, generals of glorious
renown, worthy all of equal praise ? In the case of
these men, when we tell of their righteous deeds we
can proclaim the goodness of Our Lord Jesus Chriffc ;
when we tell of their errors we can remind men of
His saving and correcting hand.
Let no one be disturbed if I insert in this poor
record the doings of some weak kings and effeminate
princes. Almighty God, the Father the Son and the
Holy Ghoft, is ever one and ever juft. Juflly does
He overwhelm the wicked, as the reward of their
crimes ; juftly does he exalt the virtuous, as the
reward of their good deeds. True, I say, is the
promise made to the saints by Our Lord Jesus Chriffc :
“ Beware of him and obey his voice, and I will be an
enemy unto thine enemies, and an adversary unto
thine adversaries, and mine Angel shall go before
thee The voice of wisdom, which is Chriffc, cries
out also by the mouth of Solomon : — “ The whole
world shall fight for him againft the foolish That
this is happening now every day even those who are
asleep underffcand. I will give one example from the
1 Exodus xxiii, 21-23. 2 Book of Wisdom v, 21.
32
Tit-for-Tat
man y that exift, and keeping silence myself will allow
the town of Fraxinetum 1 to speak, a place which, as
all are aware, lies on the borders of Italy and Provence.
Ch. II. I imagine, my lord, that you are well
acquainted with Fraxinetum and know it better than
I do, since you have the information of those who are
tributary to your king Abderahamen. But for the
benefit of the general reader, I will say here that it
has the sea on one side, and on all others is protected
by a close undergrowth of caCtus. If anyone gets into
tins entanglement, he is so impeded by the winding
brambles, and so stabbed by the sharp points of the
thorns, that he finds it a task of the greatest difficulty
either to advance or to retreat.
Ch. III. But by the mysterious, and since it
cannot be otherwise, by the juSt judgement of God,
a band of some twenty Saracens, who had sailed from
Spain in a small boat, was forced by contrary winds
unwillingly to land here. These pirates, disembarking
under cover of night, entered the manor house un-
observed and murdered — O grievous tale ! — the Christ-
ian inhabitants. They then took the place as their
own, and made Moor’s Mount which adjoins the manor
a Stronghold againSt attacks from their neighbours.
For their protection they encouraged the caCtus to
grow even taller and thicker than before, so that now
if any one Stumbled againSt a branch it ran him through
like a sharp sword. Finally all access to the hill
except by one very narrow path became impossible.
Relying therefore upon this difficulty of approach they
Started Stealthy raids on all the neighbouring country,
and sent messengers back to Spain to bring over more
of their comrades. They praised the land and declared
1 The modern Garde-Fratnet in Provence.
33
Antapodosis
that the people were of no account ; and so in answer
to this invitation a fresh band, not more than a hundred
men, arrived to teffc the truth of their tale.
Ch. IV, Meanwhile the people of Provence close
by, swayed by envy and mutual jealousy, began to
cut one another’s throats, plunder each other’s
substance, and do every sort of conceivable mischief.
But inasmuch as one faction by itself was not able to
satisfy upon the other the demands of jealous indig-
nation, they called in the help of the aforesaid Saracens,
men who were as perfidious as they were cunning, and
in company with them proceeded to crush their
neighbours. Indeed, not satisfied with murder, they
turned the whole fertile land into a desert. But let
us see what good their envy did them. Envy, as a
certain author 1 says, is always juft, and of it he writes :
“ Envy its own juft retribution brings
And &abs its harbourer with poisoned stings.”
In trying to deceive, Envy is itself deceit’s vi&im ;
in endeavouring to quench others, its own fire is put
out. Do you ask what happened ? The Saracens,
who in themselves were of insignificant strength, after
crushing one faction with the help of the other,
increased their own numbers by continual reinforce-
ments from Spain, and soon were attacking everywhere
those whom at fir ft they seemed to defend. In the
fury of their onslaughts they exterminated the whole
people and left no survivors, so that all the neighbour-
hood began to tremble. As the prophet says 1 :
“ One man chased a thousand, and two put ten thousand
to flight.” How was that ? “ Because their God
sold them and the Lord shut them up.”
1 St Jerome, Commentary on Galatians , III, 5.
2 Deuteronomy , xxxii. 30,
34
Tit-for-Tat
Ch. V. At this time 1 the city of Constantinople was
ruled by Leo Porphyrogenitus, son of the Emperor
Basil and father of the present Emperor Constantine
who is now happily on the throne. That Stout
fighter Simeon was governor of Bulgaria, a Christian
but a bitter enemy of his neighbours the Greeks.
The Hungarians, from whose savage cruelty almoSt all
peoples have since suffered, but who now by the mercy
of the moSt holy God and the might of our invincible
king Otto, as I shall relate more fully, do not even
dare to mutter in fear, were at that time unknown to
all of us. They were cut off by the difficult barriers
generally known as “the closures,” and were not able to
make their way out either to the south or to the weSt.
At this same date the moSt mighty king Arnulf, who had
succeeded Charles surnamed the Bald, was overlord
of the Bavarians, the Swabians, the Teutonic Franks,
the Lotharingians and the bold Saxons; but he
was vigorously opposed by Centebald Duke of the
Maravani. The two emperors Berengar and Wido
were fighting for the throne of It aly . F ormosus Bishop
of Porto was recognized as Pope of Rome, supreme
and universal. Let me now relate, as briefly as I
can, what happened in the days of these several rulers.
Ch. VI. Leo, the mod pious emperor of the
Greeks, of whom we have made mention above,
father of the present emperor Constantine Porphyro-
genitus, had at that time secured peace everywhere
and exercised over the Greeks a juSt and righteous
dominion. I call him Porphyrogenitus, not because
he was born in the purple, but because he was born in
the palace called Porphyra. And since the subject
has come up, let me set forth what I have heard of the
circumStances of his birth.
Ch. VII. The auguSt emperor ConStantine, from
1 A.D. 886-91 z.
35
Antapodosis
whom the city of Constantinople gets its name, ordered
ce palais, this palace, to be built and called it Porphyra.
His intention was that the successive rulers of his
noble family should see the light of day firft here, and
that all the offspring of his line should be called by the
glorious title of Porphyrogenitus. Some people there-
fore say that our Con&antine, son of the emperor Leo,
is his descendant. But the truth of the matter is
this.
Ch. VIII. The auguSfc emperor Basil, the present
emperor’s grandfather, was born of a humble family in
Macedonia. Under the compelling yoke of pauvretS,
that is, of poverty, he came down to Constantinople,
and was for a time servant to an abbe, that is, an abbot.
The then emperor Michael went one morning to pray
in the monastery where he was serving, and seeing
that he was exceptionally comely called the abbe , the
abbot, and asked him to give him the lad. He then
took him off to the palace and made him his chamber-
lain ; and in a little time he became so powerful that
everyone called him the second emperor.
Ch. IX. Almighty God is ever juSt, even when He
visits His servants with a heavy hand. He did not
allow the emperor Michael to keep his sanity all his
life; but His purpose was that the mercy of His
kindness above might equal the severity of His punish-
ment below. We are told that Michael in his mad
fits frequently sent off his dearest friends to be beheaded.
But when he returned to his senses he would ask for
them again, and unless they were forthcoming would
order that their executioners, who had only obeyed
his commands, should be put to death. His servants
accordingly became alarmed, and when he ordered an
execution they did not put it into effedt This
happened several times to Basil, and finally his intimates
gave him — O shame! — this advice — “The king’s
36
Tit-for-Tat
orders may some day be carried out, if he gives them
to your enemies, and not to your friends. You had
better kill him yourself firSt, and take the imperial
sceptre.” Under the compulsion of fear, and beguiled
by desire of rule, Basil carried out their suggestion
without delay. Michael was murdered and Basil
became emperor in his place.
Ch. X. A short time afterwards Our Lord Jesus
ChriSt appeared to him in a vision, holding the hand
of his former maSter, the emperor, whom he had
killed, and addressed him thus : — “ Pourquoi avez-
vous tue votre maitre I’empereur P ” “ Why did
you kill your master the emperor i ” Awakened by
the words he realized that he had been guilty of a
heinous crime, and collecting his thoughts considered
earnestly what he should do. Finally, comforted by
our Lord’s acceptable promise of salvation, given by
the mouth of His prophet , 1 that on the day when the
wicked man turneth from his wickedness he shall be
saved, he made confession with tears and groans and
acknowledged himself a miserable sinner, the guilty
shedder of innocent blood. He also followed wise
advice and made friends to himself of the mammon of
unrighteousness, helping them in this world with
temporal subsidies that their prayers might release
him later from the everlasting fires of hell. Moreover
he built near the palace a wonderful and coStly church
facing eastwards, which men now call “ La nouvelle
Sglise ,” “ The new church,” and dedicated it to
the archangel Michael, that mighty prince of
heaven, whom the Greeks call general of the celeStial
hoSt.
Ch. XI. It would not be out of place to insert in
this humble record two incidents in which the son of
this Basil, the auguSt and famous emperor Leo, was
x Ezekiel^ xxxiii, 12.
37
Antapodosis
concerned : for they are well worth relating and are
also laughable. The city of Constantinople, which was
formerly called Byzantium and is now called New
Rome, Stands in territory surrounded by warlike
peoples. On the north it has the Hungarii, the
Pizenaci, the Chazari, and Rusii sometimes called by
another name Nordmanni, and the Bulgarii who live
too close for harmony. On the eaSt come the Bagdae,
and on the south-eaSt the inhabitants of Egypt and
Babylonia. To the south lies Africa and the island
of Crete, its own too near neighbour and perpetual
foe. The other tribes in this quarter of the globe,
the Armenians, Persians, Chaldaeans and Avasgi have
been reduced to subjection.
Now the inhabitants of this city, as they surpass
the races we have mentioned in wealth, so also surpass
them in wisdom. As a precaution againSt attacks
from the neighbouring peoples it is their custom to
poSt armed soldiers each night at every point in the
city where two, three, or four roads meet, and assign
to them the task of keeping watch and ward. If after
dark the guard catch any one roaming about the
streets, their orders are to arreSt him at once and give
him a whipping : he is then to be fettered, kept under
close watch in prison, and brought up for public
trial the next day. By this method the city is not
only protected from foreign enemies but is also secured
againSt highway robbery.
One day his majeSty the emperor Leo determined
to teSt the fidelity and trustworthiness of the guards,
and so when night fell he left his palace unattended
and turned his Steps to the neareSt guard poSt. As soon
as the soldiers sighted him he pretended to be alarmed
and made as though to run away : they at once caught
hold of him, and asked him who he was and where he
was going. “ I am juSt an ordinary man.” he said,
38
Tit-For-Tat
“ and I was on my way to Lave a woman.” “ Very
well,” the guards replied, “ you shall have a good
thrashing firft, and then we will keep you under lock
and key till to-morrow, with irons on your legs.”
“ Pas si vite , mes freres ” — which being interpreted is
— “ Nay, brothers, not so quick ”, said the emperor,
“ Take what I have on me and let me go my way ”.
He then handed them twelve gold pieces and was at
once set free. So passing along he came to the
second poffc, where he was arreHed as before, and
again escaped, at the price this time of twenty gold
pieces. At the third poft, however, things were
different : this time he was not allowed to go on making
payment : all his money was taken from him, he was
soundly pommelled and thrashed, put into heavy irons,
and thrust into prison to appear before the judge on
the morrow.
When the soldiers had gone away the emperor
called to the jailer and said : “ Mon ami ” — which
means “ My friend ” — “ do you know the emperor
Leo ? ” “ How could I know him ”, replied the man,
“when I do not remember ever having seen him
properly ? Certainly I have gazed at a distance once
or twice, when he has appeared in public, but I could
not get close, and it seemed to me then that I was
looking at a wonder of nature rather than at a human
being. It would be more to the purpose for you to
be thinking how to get out of here with a whole skin
rather than to ask such questions as that. Fortune is
not so kind to you as she is to him : vous Hes en prison,
il efl sur son trone P or ; you lie in prison, he sits upon
his golden throne. I had better fetch some heavier
irons, these are too light ; then you will not have
time to think about the emperor.” “ Enough,
enough,” cried Leo, “ I am his majesty the emperor
himself : deuce take the hour when I left my place of
39
Antapodosis
honour in my palace ! ” At that the jailer, thinking
that he was telling lies : — “ Do you expert me to
believe that you are the emperor, a dirty rogue like
you who squanders his subStance with loose women.
Since your education in aerology has been negledted,
I will give you a little savoir on that subject. Ecoutez
moi. At this moment Mars is in triangle, Saturn faces
Venus, Jupiter is square, Mercury is unfavourable to
you, the Sun is as round as a wheel, and the Moon is
on the jump : bad luck threatens you and is near at
hand.” “ To prove that my words are true,” replied
the emperor, “ as soon as they give the morning signal
and it is safe for us, come with me to the palace and
you will see that the omens then will be more favour-
able. If you do not find that I am welcomed there
as emperor, you may kill me on the spot. Murder
itself is not a worse crime than to say I am emperor
if it is not the truth. Perhaps you are afraid of
getting into trouble over this : may God do this to
me and worse, if you are not rewarded rather than
punished.”
The jailer at laSt was convinced, and when the
morning signal was given, he went with the emperor,
as he had suggested, to the palace. On their arrival
his companion was received with every sign of respect-
ful admiration, so that the jailer almost sank into the
earth with astonishment. The high court dignitaries
ran up before his eyes, showered compliments upon
the emperor, took off his shoes for him, and buStled
about doing various acts of service, while the poor man
thought that he had better die at once. “ Consult
the Stars again ”, said the emperor to him, “ and if
you can declare correctly what luck will attend your
arrival here, you will prove that you have a real
knowledge of the augural art. But tell me firSt,
pray, what is this sudden sickness that has made you
40
Tit-for-Tat
turn so pale ? ” “ Clotho, queen of the Fates ”,
replied the jailer, “is ceasing now to spin for me;
Lachesis refuses to trouble to twi£fc the wool ; Atropos,
the moft cruel of the three, her fingers on the diftaff, is
only waiting for your majesty’s verdidt to draw the
threads together and break my life. As for my pale
face, the reason for it is that my vital force has gone
from my head and drawn the blood with it to the
lower parts of my body.” At that the emperor with
a smile replied : — “ Take your vital force back, and
with it this four pound bag of gold coins : as for
myself, do not say a word to anyone except that I
got away from prison ”.
He then ordered that the guards who had let their
prisoner go, and the others who had beaten and jailed
him, should be brought into his presence. On their
appearance he said to them : — “ While you were
keeping guard and watch over the city did you at any
time come across any thieves or fornicators ? ”
Those who had taken the bribe said that they had
seen nothing : the others, who had beaten and jailed
him, replied: — “ V otre sacre majette ”, that is,
“ Your sacred majesty gave orders that if your guards
came across anyone roaming in the streets after dark,
they were to arreft him, give him a thrashing, and put
him in jail. In obedience to your commands there-
fore, moffc reverend lord, laft night we arrested a
fellow who was intending to scour the brothels, and
after we had whipped him we put him under lock
and key, so that we might bring him before your
sacred majesty.” “ Quick,” said the emperor, “ let
him be produced : my imperial authority demands
inftant obedience.” The men hurried off at once to
fetch their prisoner, and when they were told that he
had escaped they returned half-dead to the palace.
They made their report to the emperor, who took off
41
Antapodosis
his cloak and showed them the cruel marks of their
blows : — “ V enez ici, n’ayez fas feur” said he ; that
is — “ Come here and do not be afraid. I myself am
the man whom you flogged and who you think has
escaped from prison. I am quite sure and certain
that it was not your emperor but your emperor’s
enemy that you intended to cudgel. As for these men
who let me go, not thinking I was the emperor but
knowing that I was a robber who threatened my life,
it is not only my majesty’s wish, it is my definite
command, that they be beaten till they are at death’s
door and then be deprived of all their goods and
banished from the city. To you others I give both
money from my purse and also the property of these
pernicious rogues.”
What wisdom Leo displayed your paternal excellence
will be able to appreciate. After that day his men
kept diligent watch and even in the emperor’s absence
thought of him as present with them. He never had
occasion again to go down from his palace and the
guard duty was faithfully performed.
Cb. XII. Another prank which this emperor
played I think it foolish to veil in silence. The
palace at Constantinople is guarded by numerous
companies of soldiers in order to secure the emperor’s
safety, and every day a considerable sum of money
is spent upon these men’s pay and rations. Now it
happened once that twelve of these guards were renting
in one room from the heat of the day during the
siesta hour, when it was Leo’s custom to wander about
the palace. On this occasion, when the twelve men
I have mentioned had abandoned themselves to
Lethean slumber, the emperor came into the room,
artfully opening the door latch with a small piece of
wood. But one trickster can trap another. Eleven of
the men were really asleep : the twelfth was awake
42
Tit-For-Tat
although he made a pretence of snoring, and with his
face covered bp his arms he carefully watched what
the emperor was doing. Well, the emperor came in
and seeing that the soldiers were all asleep put a
pound bag of gold coins into each man’s bosom. He
then went out again quietly and shut the door behind
him, expe&ing that when the men woke up they
would congratulate each other upon their gains and
wonder how on earth they got there. But as soon
as he had gone, the one soldier who was awake jumped
up, took the bags of gold from the sleepers, and
flored them in his wallet. Then he went quietly
to sleep.
In the afternoon the emperor, anxious to know the
issue of his prank, bade the twelve guards to appear
before him and addressed them thus : — “ If any one
of you has been frightened or cheered by a dream
vision, my authority bids you declare it. Moreover
if any man on waking saw any ftrange sight, I order you
to reveal that also To this the soldiers replied
that they had seen nothing (as indeed was the truth)
and surprised at the emperor’s order “ silent flood
with faces set intent ”. 1 Leo, however, thought that it
Was not out of ignorance but from cunning that they
were keeping silence, and flying into a passion threat-
ened them with dreadful punishments if they did not
speak. Thereupon the one man of the company who
knew the truth put on a very humble and suppliant
tone of voice and addressed the emperor : — “ Votre
grade-use majeHi ”, that is “Your gracious majefty, I
do not know what these men saw ; I myself had a moft
deledfable dream ; I only wish it would come often.
I dreamed, while my comrades, unfortunately for
them, to-day were really asleep, that I was awake,
and, as it were, not asleep at all. And lo and behold,
1 Virgil, Atneid, II, I.
43
Antapodosis
jour Imperial Grandeur secretly opened the door, as
it were, and entering quietly put a pound bag of
gold in each of my comrades’ bosoms. In my vision
I saw your majesty go out again while my comrades
were ftill asleep, and jumping up at once for joy I took
the bags of gold from the eleven sleepers and stored
them in my wallet where there was only one. I did
not want them to go beyond the ten Commandments
and be juft eleven, but to join with mine and make
twelve in memory of the twelve apoftles. May it
please you, auguft emperor, this vision up to now has
not frightened me but rather made me cheerful. I
hope your majefty will not prefer another inter-
pretation for it. It is a well known fa£t that I am un
■ -profhHe et venieur des songes, that is, a prophet and
dream pedlar.” At this the emperor burft into a
loud guffaw, and admiring the fellow’s skill and caution
said at once : “ I have never heard before that you
were un prophite et vendeur des songes, a prophet and
a dream pedlar. But it is plain from what you say
that you are a prophet, and you have not beaten about
the bush ! You could not have the power of keeping
awake or the skill to draw auspices, unless it were given
you by divine grace. So whether your interpretation
is true — as I hope and believe — or false, aussi que
Lucien, that is, as Lucian tells us of a man, that in his
sleep he found a great treasure, but when the cock
woke him there was nothing there ; in either case,
anything you saw or noticed or discovered, you may
regard as yours.” With what confusion these words
filled the sleepers and with what joy they filled the
watcher, anyone can easily imagine if he puts himself
in their place.
Cb. XIII. Meanwhile Arnulf, the ftrongeft ruler
among the northern peoples, found himself unable to
overcome the vigorous resistance offered him by the
44
Tit-for-Tat
aforesaid Centebald duke of the Maravani. Accor-
dingly he broke down — 0 grievous tale ! — the strong
barriers which, as we have said before, are usually
called the closures and called in the Hungarians to
help him, a people greedy, reckless, ignorant of
Almighty God, acquainted with every sort of crime,
only eager for carnage and rapine. I use the word
“ help ” but I should rather say ruin, for when
Arnulf soon afterwards died these Hungarians proved
themselves a deadly danger both to his people and to
all the other nations in the south and weft. What
happened ? Centebald was beaten, subdued and
forced to pay tribute : but he was not the only one.
How blind was King Arnulf’s desire for power !
How cruel and accursed did that day prove! The
bringing down of one weak man brought down sorrow
upon all Europe. How many women were left widows,
how many fathers made childless, how many virgins
debauched, how many of God’s priefts and people
taken prisoners, how many churches laid wafte and
lands left desolate ! And all this the result of blind
ambition ! Have you not read, pray, the words of
truth i 1 “ What is a man profited, if he shall gain the
whole world and lose his own soul ? or what shall a
man give in exchange for his soul ? ” If the ftern
verdift of the Judge of Truth did not dismay you, the
common ties of humanity might have given pause to
your mad desires. You were but a man among men,
exalted indeed in rank, but like to others in nature.
Lamentable and piteous is our condition. Beafts,
birds and reptiles, separated though they be from
us by reason of their intolerable fierceness or deadly
venom — -the basilisk, for example, the asp, the rhino-
ceros and the griffin-creatures whose very aspeft seems
to threaten death to all — live among themselves in
1 St Matthew , xvi, 26.
45
Antapodosis
peace and harmony, for they have the same origin and
are endowed with the same disposition. Man, how-
ever, formed in the likeness and resemblance of God.
inffcrufted in God’s law, possessed of reason, so far
from delighting to love his neighbour, would use all his
strength in hating him. Let ussee then what John, not
John who you will, but the glorious virgin, admitted
to the secrets of heaven, to whom as a virgin Christ
upon the cross commended the Virgin, His mother ;
let us see what he said about such men : — “ Whosoever
hateth his brother is a murderer : and ye know that
no murderer hath eternal life abiding in him ’V
But let us return to our subject. After defeating
Centebald, duke of the Maravani, Arnulf settled
himself peacefully in his kingdom. The Hungarians
for their part surveyed the country, and while they
waited for his end, were already, as was afterwards
made plain, devising mischief in their hearts.
Ch. XIV. Meanwhile Charles, surnamed the Bald,
king of Gaul, exchanged this present life for death.
In his lifetime two noble and powerful princes from
Italy had been his vassals, one named Wido, the other
Berengar. These men, you mud know, were cemented
by such close bonds of friendship that they had under-
taken on oath to support each other’s appointment in
the event of their surviving Charles. Wido was to
become ruler of Roman France so called, Berengar was
to have Italy. But the ways of friendship, which in
divers manners joins the human race together in a
partnership of aifeftion, are uncertain and unstable.
In some cases a previous recommendation induces men
to enter into friendly relations; in other cases the
link is some similarity of business, trade, profession,
or military operations. But with all such ties, as
they come into existence from varying associations of
1 I St John , iii, i$.
46
Tit-for-Tat
profit, pleasure and necessity, so they are severed
immediately any occasion of divergence intervenes.
And there is one kind of friendship which has been
proved by many examples to be always short lived.
Those whose friendship is based on a partnership in
conspiracy can never maintain for long an unbroken
harmony of purpose. The cunning enemy of mankind
uses all his energy and skill to break friendship’s bonds
and make men traitors to their own sworn oath. And
if some simple soul asks me “ Is there then no real
friendship ? ” I should answer that real harmony and
friendship can only exiffc when morals are pure and
men are of the same purpose and virtuous life.
Ch. XV. It happened that both these men, Wido
and Berengar, were absent when King Charles’ funeral
took place. But as soon as Wido heard of his death he
set out for Rome without consulting the Franks and
was anointed there as ruler of all France, the Franks
in his absence electing Oddo as king. As for Berengar,
at Wido’s suggestion, in accordance with their sworn
agreement, he set himself up as ruler of Italy, and Wido
made his way back to France.
Ch. XVI. But as he was passing through Burgundy
and about to enter Roman France so called, he was
met by some Frank messengers who said they were on
their way back and that Oddo had been unanimously
chosen as king. “ We were tired of waiting for you,”
they declared, “ and we could not do without a king
any longer.” It is said however that the real reason
why the Franks did not eledt Wido as king was as
follows. As he was nearing Metz, which is the
ftrongeft and mofi famous city in Lothar’s realm , 1
Wido sent his steward forward to prepare for him a
regal banquet. The bishop of Metz, as is usual with
the Franks, offered to provide a sumptuous feaft, but
1 Lothari regnum = Lotharingen = Lorraine.
47
Antapodosis
in reply to his hospitality the steward said : “ If you
will only give me a horse to ride on, I will guarantee
that a third of these dainties satisfy King Wido ”.
At that the bishop : “ It is not fitting for a man to rule
over us as king if a cheap ten shilling dinner suffices
him ”, The result was that the Franks threw Wido
over and eledted Oddo in his place.
Ch. XVII. Wido was greatly disturbed by the
message given by the Frank envoys and was soon in a
turmoil of thought. There was the kingdom of Italy,
which he had promised under oath to Berengar, and
there was the Frankish throne, which he now clearly
realised he could not secure. He wavered between
the two for a time, and finally, unable to be king of the
Franks, he decided to break the oath he had sworn to
Berengar. He accordingly collected as large an army
as he could — he had some connections among the
Franks — and marched hastily into Italy. There he
made confident overtures to the people of Camerino
and Spoleto, his kinsmen, and although they had
supported Berengar’ s cause secured their desertion by
gifts of money ; and so began adtive hostilities.
Ch. XVIII. The forces of both parties assembled
near the river Trebia, five miles from Piacenza, and
prepared for civil war. In the ensuing battle many
fell on either side, and finally Berengar took to flight
and Wido triumphed.
Ch. XIX. After a few days, however, Berengar
quickly gathered together a fresh force, and gave Wido
battle once more on the broad plain of Brescia. The
carnage was again terrific, and again Berengar escaped
by flight.
Ch. XX. Being unable to withstand Wido with
his inferior numbers, Berengar now asked help from
King Arnulf , who was, as we have said, a very potent
monarch, promising that if by the help of his valour
48
Tit-for-Tat
he should beat Wido and win the kingdom of Italy
he and his people would serve him as his vassals.
Allured by these high promises King Arnulf sent his
son Centebald, whom he had had by a concubine,
with a Strong army to his assistance, and the joint
forces marched with all haSte on Pavia. Wido,
however, had protected the little stream called Vema-
vola, which flows on one side of Pavia, with a palisade
and detachments of soldiers ; and so this river barrier
prevented either army from making an attack upon
the other.
Ch. XXI. Twenty-one days passed, as we have said,
and neither side was able to do any damage. One of
the Bavarians every day used to taunt the Italians
with cowardice and cry out that they knew nothing
of horsemanship. Finally, as a crowning insult, he
leapt into their ranks, knocked a spear out of one man’s
hand, and returned triumphantly to his own camp.
Accordingly Hubald, father of Boniface who later on
in my time became marquess of Camerino and Spoleto,
anxious to wipe out this insult to his people, put on a
shield and went out to meet the aforesaid Bavarian.
This latter, remembering his previous triumph and
rendered all the bolder thereby, hastened gladly forth
against him in careless anticipation of another victory.
Wheeling his horse he now urged him fiercely forward,
now tugged at the reins and threw him back. Mean-
while Hubald came Straight on. When they were
within Striking distance of each other, the Bavarian
wheeled his horse round as usual and began to turn
him this way and that, circling in confused windings
and hoping by this method to baffle Hubald’s attack.
But as he retreated, intending on his return to deal
a frontal blow at Hubald, his opponent spurred his
horse vigorously forward and pierced the Bavarian
with his lance before he could turn round, the weapon
4-9
Antapodosis
going through the shoulder blades to the heart.
Hubald then took the Bavarian’s horse by the bridle
and left the man’s body Stripped of its armour in the
middle of the river. So having avenged the insult
offered to his people he returned merrily in triumph
to his own side. This exploit certainly caused con-
siderable alarm among the Bavarians and equally
inspired the Italians with confidence. The Bavarians
indeed held a council of war, and as Wido offered him
some pounds of silver Centebald retired to his own
country again.
Ch. XXII. Berengar saw his bright prospers thus
clouded over, and in company with Centebald again
approached the mighty King Arnulf as a suppliant,
promising if he would help him, that he would put
himself and all Italy, as he had undertaken to do before,
under his control. Arnulf once again was allured by
these high promises and entered Italy with a very
large army, Berengar adting as his shield bearer, a
guarantee of his undertaking and a pledge of his
fidelity.
Ch. XXIII. Verona welcomed him gladly and he
then marched on Bergamo. The people there trusted
to, or rather were deceived by, their strong fortifications
and refused to come out againdt him. He accordingly
pitched his camp and took the city by a vigorous
assault, cutting down and butchering the defenders.
As for the Count of Bergamo, a man named Ambrose,
he had him hung before the city gate in his fineft
clothes, sword, belt and armlets complete. This
punishment ffcruck terror into every city and every
prince. When people heard of it, both ears tingled.
Ch. XXIV. The people of Milan and Pavia were
indeed so alarmed by the news that they could not
endure to wait for his arrival, but sent an embassy
to him promising to submit to his orders. He
So
Tit-for-Tat
therefore sent Otto, the mighty duke of Saxony —
grandfather of our moSt glorious and invincible King
Otto, who is Still alive and happily reigning over
us — to defend Milan, and himself marched straight to
Pavia.
Ch. XXV. Wido, not being Strong enough to
withstand his attack, began to retreat on Camerino
and Spoleto. The king pursued him vigorously
without delay, taking by force any city or caStle that
offered resistance. There was indeed no fortress,
however Strong by nature, that was competent to
resiSt the king’s valour. What wonder, seeing that
mighty Rome herself, queen of cities, was unable to
withstand his attack! The Romans refused him a
peaceful entrance, and so he called his troops together
and addressed them thus : —
Ch. XXVI.
“ My braves, upon whose arms the gold is worn
Wherewith yon weaklings useless books adorn :
Chiefs famed in war, now all your courage show
And let your martial rage fresh Strength beStow.
No Pompey have we here, no Caesar bold
Whose sword subdued our ancestors of old.
The British born 1 took all true sons of Rome
To his new city and his EaStern home.
These men know well the fishing rod to wield ;
They have no Strength to raise the flashing shield.”
Ch. XXVII. Fired by these words the heroes
despise life in their desire for glory. Protecting
themselves with shields and wicker coverings they rush
in serried bands to Storm the walls. They had
furthermore prepared a number of military engines,
when in the midSt of the turmoil under the people’s
eyes it happened that a little hare, frightened by the
1 Con&antine was the son of Helena, daughter of a British noble.
5i
Antapodosis
din, started to run towards the city. The soldiers,
as is their wont, chased the poor creature furiously,
and the Romans thinking they were rushing to the
attack flung themselves from the walls. The assailants,
seeing them in retreat, piled their packs and horses’
saddles againlt the walls and mounted over the heaps
that they thus made. One division found a beam of
wood fifty feet long and with it battered down one of
the gates, forming into that part of Rome which is
called Leonine, where the precious body of Saint
Peter, chief of the apoftles, refls. Thereupon the
other diftri&s across the Tiber under compulsion of
fear bowed their neck to Arnulf’s dominion.
Ch. XXV 111. At this time the Romans were
cruelly tormenting their very reverend Pope Formosus,
at whose exhortation Arnulf had made his way thither.
Therefore when he entered the city to avenge the
wrongs done to the Pope, Arnulf gave orders that a
number of the Roman princes who came in hafte to
greet him should be beheaded.
Ch. XXIX. The cause of the quarrel between
Pope Formosus and the Romans was as follows. At
the death of Formosus’ predecessor, there was a
certain Sergius, deacon of the church at Rome, whom
a certain section of the people eledted as Pope. Another
influential body however were keenly desirous to
appoint this Formosus, who was then bishop of Porto
and a man of real sandlity, well versed in all God’s
teachings. So at the moment when Sergius ought
to have been ordained as vicar of the apoftles on earth,
Formosus’ faction drove him from the altar with loud
and insulting cries, and made their candidate Pope
in his £tead.
Ch. XXX. Sergius then made his way into
Tuscany to get the help of the powerful marquess
Adalbert. In this he finally succeeded, and later on,
52
Tit-for-Tat
Formosus being then deceased and Arnulf dead in his
own country, Adalbert drove out the Pope who had
been appointed after Formosus’ death and gave his
place to Sergius. Thereupon the fellow, who was an
impious wretch and ignorant of sacred doCfcrine, issued
orders that the body of Formosus should be exhumed
and that the corpse dressed in prieftly raiments should
be set upon Peter’s chair, while he proceeded to
taunt it thus : “ Seeing that you were bishop of
Porto, why were you so inflated with ambition as to
claim the world-wide see of Rome ? ” After satis-
fying his spite in this manner, he stripped the body of
its sacred vestments, cut off three of its fingers, and
threw it into the Tiber. He then deposed from their
positions all the priefts whom Formosus had ordained,
and performed a second ordination service himself.
How wrong his conduct was, reverend father, you
can judge by this faCt. Those men who received the
apo6folic greeting or benediction from Judas, the
betrayer of Our Lord Jesus Chrift, before the time of
the betrayal, were not deprived of their offices after
the betrayal had taken place and Judas had hanged
himself, except in some cases where they had disgraced
themselves by scandalous living. The benediction,
which Christ’s servants receive, comes not from him
who is seen but from Him whom no eye can behold.
“ Neither is he that plant eth any thing, neither he
that watereth ; but God that giveth the increase.” 1
Ch. XXXI. What authority and what sanCtity
Pope Formosus possessed we may infer from the
following incident. His body was found by some
fishermen and carried to the church of Saint Peter,
chief of the apo6U.es, where as it lay in its coffin the
images of certain saints came to life and saluted it
with every sign of respeCtful veneration. This 6tory
1 i Corinthians , iii, 7.
53
Antapodosis
I have frequently heard from some of the moft
reverend men in Rome. But let us leave this now and
return to the order of our narrative.
Ch. XXXII. Though King Arnulf had achieved
his desire he did not cease hostilities against Wido,
but setting out for Camerino laid siege to a certain
caftle, called “ Strong” by name as it was strong by
nature, where Wido’s wife was then living, Wido
himself being in some obscure hiding place. This
Strong Caitle, so well named, he surrounded with
entrenchments and proceeded to bring up such siege
engines as were necessary. Wido’s wife was caught in
a trap from which all hope of escape seemed impossible,
and so with snakish cunning she began to look about
for some way to compass Arnulf’s death. She secured
an interview with one of the king’s intimates, and after
giving him some handsome presents asked him for
his help. The man declared that this was impossible,
unless she surrendered the place to his master ; but
she persisted in her entreaties, not only promising
him pounds of gold but actually presenting them to
him on the spot. She finally begged him to give
the king his master a certain draught to drink which
she showed him, one that would not do any harm but
would soften the king’s cruel temper. As a proof of
her words she gave the drink in his presence to one
of her servants, who, after landing in sight for an
hour, left the room apparently unharmed. At this
point I may quote Virgil’s true saying : —
“Accursed thirft for gold, to what fell crimes
Dost thou not force men’s hearts ? ” z
Well, the man took the deadly draught from her and
departing in hafte gave it to the king. Arnulf drank,
and immediately fell into so profound a sleep that for
1 Virgil, Aeneid , III, 56.
54
Tit-for-Tat
three days the din of his whole army could not waken
him. It is said that his friends tried to rouse him, now
by shouting and now by shaking his body, but that
though his eyes were open he could neither feel
anything nor utter any articulate words. He lay
devoid of understanding and such sounds as he made
were more like the lowing of oxen than human speech.
These happenings, of course, brought about the
retirement of his whole army, and fighting ceased.
Ch. XXXIII. I believe that it was by the juft
verdidt of God’s Stern judgment that Arnulf came upon
this miserable fate. While his power was prospering
and increasing everywhere, he attributed his success
to his own merits and rendered not to Almighty God
the honour that is His due. God’s prieSts were
dragged off to prison, holy virgins were raped,
married women were violated. Fugitives found no
shelter even in the churches ; God’s house was made
into a market, a place of rioting, of foul geftures and
merry songs. Women actually came there — O shame-
ful crime — and publicly offered themselves to men.
Ch. XXXIV. Arnulf then returned slowly home,
a very sick man, and King Wido came slowly after
him. As he was crossing over Monte Bardone, on
the advice of his counsellors he decided to put out
Berengar’s eyes and himself rule Italy at his ease.
One of Berengar’s kinsmen however, who was a
familiar intimate of Arnulf, heard of the plan and
informed Berengar without delay. So the intended
victim handed over to another the lamp, which it was
his duty to hold before the king, and made his escape
with all speed to Verona.
Ch. XXXV. From that time everyone in Italy
regarded Arnulf with scorn and contempt. On his
arrival at Pavia there was a fierce outbreak, and so many
of his men were killed that all the sewers — or as they
55
Antapodosis
call them “ cloacae ” — in the city were choked with
corpses. Unable to get through Verona he decided to
return by Hannibal’s old road, that called Bardus,
over the Great St Bernard, and made his way to
Ivrea where the marquess Anscar, who had urged the
citizens to revolt, was then living. Arnulf swore
sol emnl y that he would not leave the town until the
people brought Anscar into his presence. Anscar,
however, was a very timid person, in all respedts like
the man of whom Virgil speaks 1 : —
“ A champion with his tongue, and free of purse.
But cold his hand in war ” ;
and so he crept from the caftle and hid in some rocky
caves near the city wall. He did this in order that
the citizens might lawfully assure Arnulf that Anscar
was not in the town. The king therefore accepted
their oath and proceeded on his way.
Ch. XXXVI. When he arrived at his own country
he died of a disgusting malady. He was cruel tor-
mented by the tiny worms that are called lice and
expired in agony. It is said that these worms bred
so faSt that no doctor’s care could diminish their
number. Whether in requital for his heinous crime
of letting the Hungarians loose he was punished by
a double affliftion, as the prophet says, or whether
from his earthly penalty he achieved forgiveness in
the world to come, we may leave to the wisdom of
Him, concerning whom the Apoftle says 2 : — ■“ Judge
nothing before the time, until the Lord come, who
both will bring to light the hidden things of darkness,
and will make manifest the counsels of the hearts, and
then shall every man have praise of God.”
Ch. XXXVII. This justice of God brought the
grief of widowhood upon Wido’s wife, who had
1 Virgil, Aetteid, XI, 338. * 1 Corinthians , iy, 5.
56
Tit-for-Tat
brought death upon Arnulf. For as Wido was
following close upon Arnulf’s retreat, he departed
from this life near the river Taro. As soon as Berengar
heard of his death he came in hafte to Pavia and took
the throne by force of arms. But Wido’s faithful
supporters, fearing left Berengar should avenge the
wrongs they had done him, and relying on the fadt
that the Italians always prefer to have two kings, so
that they may keep the one in check by threatening
him with the other, set up as king the dead Wido’s
son, a young man called Lambert who was an accom-
plished youth and of very warlike character. Very
soon the people began to flock to his side and abandon
Berengar. He marched on Pavia with a large force
and Berengar, unable through lack of numbers to
check him, retired to Verona and remained there in
peaceful seclusion. After a short time however
Lambert’s Stridtness made him unpopular with the
princes, who sent envoys to Verona asking Berengar
to come to their support, and endeavoured to drive
Lambert from the throne.
Ch. XXXVIII. Furthermore in the course of the
next five years Manfred, the wealthy count of Milan,
broke out into open war againSt him and not only
held his own city of Milan but cruelly ravaged the
surrounding diftridts that were Still loyal to Lambert.
But the king did not allow his violence to go unpunished
and often reflected upon the word of the Psalmift : —
“When I shall have the time, I will give juft judgment.”
So after a little while he had Manfred convicted and
put to death on a capital charge ; a verdidt which
Itruck terror into the hearts of all the Italians.
Ch. XXXIX. About the same time Adalbert, the
illustrious marquess of Tuscany and a powerful count
named Ildeprand tried to Stir up a fresh rebellion
againft him. Adalbert was a man of such influence
57
Antapodosis
that among all the princes of Italy he alone had the
title of the “ Rich.” His wife was a woman named
Berta, mother of the Hugh who was king in my time,
and it was at her instigation that he Started his wicked
plot, collecting an army with count Ildeprand and
marching resolutely on Pavia.
Ch. XL. Meanwhile King Lambert, who knew
nothing of all this, was busy hunting at Marengo,
about forty miles from Pavia. He was in the middle
of the foreSt, and the marquess and count with a large
but unreliable Tuscan army were juSl crossing Monte
Bardone, when he received news of how things Stood.
Being a man of firm courage and vigorous Strength he
could not endure to wait for his soldiers to assemble,
but gathered together about a hundred men who
were on the spot, and haStened off at full speed to
meet the assailants.
Ch. XLI. He had juSt reached Piacenza when he
heard that his enemies had pitched camp near the
river Stirione close to the Stronghold where lies the
precious body of the sacred and venerable martyr
Domninus. Not knowing what the coming night was
to bring they had drunk deep and after some foolish
diversions abandoned themselves to slumber, some
snoring loudly, others, who had taken too much,
vomiting in their sleep. The king, who was both
bold and sagacious, fell upon them in the dead of
night, Stabbing them to the heart before they could
wake, and cutting their throats while they Still yawned
in their dreams. At laSt he came to the heroes who
Were the leaders of this hoSt. It was not one of their
own company but the king himself who told them of
the glorious deed, and sheer terror prevented them, I
will not say from fighting, but even from running
away. Ildeprand, it is true, managed to slip off, but
Adalbert was left hiding in the place where the beaSfs
58
Tit-for-Tat
were tethered. There he was found and brought
before the ting, who at once addressed him thus : —
“ Your wife Berta, methints, prophesied with true
Sibylline inspiration, when she undertook by her skill
to make you either a king or an ass. She would not or,
as is more probable, she could not make you a king,
and so, in order to keep her word, she turned you into
an ass and drove you into the Stable with the herds
of Arcady.” Thereupon the others with Adalbert
were taken, put in chains, carried to Pavia, and
delivered there into custody.
Ch. XLII. After this success Lambert again
betook himself to the chase at Marengo, leaving the
fate of the prisoners to be settled by the decision of
the princes. Ah would that his hunting had had wild
beafts and not kings as its quarry ! It is said that
while he was chasing boars with his horse on a loose
rein, he fell and broke his neck. But I would not
say that it were correct to attach credence to this
account. There is another ftory of his death which is
constantly repeated and seems to me more probable.
Manfred, Count of Milan, whom I mentioned juft
now, on being sentenced to capital punishment for
his crimes againft the State and the king, left one son
Hugh as heir to all his property. Lambert, seeing
that the youth was of conspicuous beauty and sur-
passing courage, tried to assuage the bitter grief
caused by his father’s death by showering favours
upon him, and admitted him to the privilege of his
intimate friendship. So, while Lambert was hunting
at Marengo — there is a very large and beautiful wood
there which is especially suitable to the chase — it
happened that while the reft of his followers were
scouring the thickets in the hunt, the king was left
alone with this Hugh in a coppice. They were
waiting for the boar to pass, but as he did not appear
59
Antapodosis
the king at lafb grew weary of the long delay and fell
asleep for a while, leaving the traitor, in whom he
trusted, to keep watch and ward over him. While he
sat there alone Hugh, the king’s guardian, or rather
the king’s betrayer and murderer, began to think again
of his father’s death and to forget all the kindness
that Lambert had shown him. He did not consider
that his progenitor had been juftly put to death ; he
did not fear to break the oath he had sworn to his
king ; he did not blush to be called successor to Judas,
who betrayed Our Lord Jesus Chrift ; what is worse,
he did not tremble at the everlasting punishment that
would be his fate. No ; he took a big piece of wood
and with a great effort broke the sleeper’s neck. He
was afraid to use his sword leSt he should be plainly
revealed as a murderer, and his trick was so far success-
ful that as there were no sword cuts but plain marks
of bruises againSt wood, when the body was found it
was believed that the king had fallen from his horse
and broken his neck. For many years the truth was
hidden ; but when in process of time Berengar
gained the throne and held it firmly without opposition,
Hugh himself betrayed the crime of which he had been
guilty, and so the words of the prophet -king were
fulfilled : — “ The sinner is praised in the desires of
his heart, and doing iniquity he is blessed But
he could not have done otherwise, since it is Truth
itself that says : “ There is nothing hidden that shall
not be revealed, nothing secret that shall not be made
known .” 1
Ch. XLIII. After these things had thus happened
King Berengar was honoured with the kingly dignity
he had held before, but now in fuller measure :
Marquess Adalbert and the others were sent back to
their own lands.
1 St Matthew x, 26.
60
Tit-for-Tat
Ch. XLIV. I would fain, dear fatter, write of the
death of this great king with tears, I would fain shed
tears over my writing. In him was to be found an
honeft probity of character, a pure and awe-inspiring
ffcridfaiess. His body was graced by the bright vigour
of youth, his mind adorned by the grave sandlity of
age. He evidently gave more glory to the ffcate than
the ffcate gave to him. If swift death had not snatched
him away, he was one who might have followed in
the path of the Roman Empire and subdued the whole
world to his forceful sway.
61
CONTENTS
BOOK II
CHAPTER page
I How after Arnulfs death his son Louis is made
king ........ 69
II The Hungarians hearing of Arnulfs death attack
Bavaria ........ 69
III Louis prepares to attack the Hungarians near the
river Lech ....... 69
IV The Hungarians set an ambush and win a victory
over Louis’ army ...... 70
V Louis retreats, and the Hungarians ravage the
territories of the Franks, the Saxons and the
Swabians ...... . 71
VI Of the rebellion of Count Adalbert, and how he
was tricked by Archbishop Hatto and beheaded . 71
VII What advice the scouts gave on their return . . 74
VIII Why the Hungarians in terror gave up the
invasion of Italy ...... 75
IX How the Hungarians returned with a fresh army
and were met by the Italians .... 75
X Why King Berengar did not come out to fight
and why the Hungarians fled from the Italians . 75
XI The retreating infidels ask peace from the Christians,
but do not get it ...... 76
XII Of the preliminary battle, in which the Hungarians
were victorious and then retreated ... 76
XIII How owing to their horses’ fatigue the infidels
waited for the Christians at the river Brenta and
asked for peace, which was refused ... 76
XIV The counsel of despair that the Hungarians
followed, and what they said to one another .
63
77
Antapodosis
CHAPTER page
XV How the Hungarians laid an ambush and fell
upon the Christians and beat them ... 77
XVI How their victory was due not to their courage but
to the ChriStians* sins ..... 78
XVII How at that time Louis, king of the Franks, died
and Conrad was appointed in his place ... 79
XVIII Who were his vassal princes, and how among
them was Henry duke of the Saxons ... 79
XIX How Henry and the other princes rebelled againSt
King Conrad and were subdued by him, and how
Arnold fled into Hungary 79
XX King Conrad on his death bed exhorts all the
princes to keep the peace and make Henry king,
and hands the regalia over to him ... 79
XXI After Conrad’s death Arnold returns from Hungary
and prepares to attack King Henry ... 80
XXII Henry appeases Arnold’s anger by a wise speech . 8 1
XXIII Arnold at his own men’s exhortation becomes
Henry’s vassal . . . . . .81
XXIV The Hungarians hearing of Conrad’s death invade
Saxony 82
XXV King Henry rises from his sick bed to oppose
them ........ 83
XXVI How he exhorted his soldiers to fight . . . 83
XXVII Of King Henry’s noble vow .... 84
XXVIII Of the messenger who reported that the Hungarians
were at Merseburg ...... 84
XXIX The Hungarians question their captives concerning
the war, and send out scouts . . . . 85
XXX Of the battle againft the Hungarians . . <85
XXXI Of King Henry’s good advice, and of his victory,
and how his vi&ory was depi&ed in a painting . 85
XXXII Of a certain Louis whom the Italians invited to
rule over them ...... 86
XXXIII That this was due to the marquess Adalbert,
son-in-law of King Berengar ....
64
86
Tit-for-Tat
CHAPTER page
XXXIV Of the same Adalbert, who was at firft a good man,
and afterwards became bad .... 86
XXXV
XXXVI
XXXVII
XXXVIII
XXXIX
XL
XLI
XLII
XLIII
XLIV
XLV
XLVI
XL VII
XLVIII
XLIX
L
LI
Of Louis 5 oath given in terror to King Berengar,
and of his return ......
How Adalbert, the powerful marquess of the
province of Tuscany, at the instigation of his
wife Berta deserts Berengar and sends for Louis .
Louis is welcomed by the Italians ; Berengar
retreats to Verona and is driven out from that city
by Louis .......
Louis sets out for Lucca and is splendidly enter-
tained by Adalbert ......
Louis is seized with envy of Adalbert’s power, and
Adalbert therefore draws away from him .
A description of the city of Verona, the river Adige,
and the bridge over it ....
How Berengar bribed the city guards at Verona,
captured Louis there, and put out his eyes .
Of the Hungarians who at that time were ravaging
Italy
Of the Saracens from Fraxinetum, who laid wa£be
part of Italy and came to Acqui ....
Of the African Saracens who seized Apulia, Calabria
and Benevento and made a stronghold on Mount
Garigliano
On what occasion the Saracens left Africa .
How that this was the Lord’s will to serve for our
corredtion
How John of Ravenna at that time was recognised
as Pope
How he was made Pope by the harlot Theodora .
Of a certain African, who came to the Pope and
advised him how to attack the Africans
How this same African laid an ambush and slew his
fellow-countrymen
Of the advice given by Landulf, prince of Benevento
65
87
87
88
88
88
88
89
90
90
90
91
92
92
92
94
94
94
Antapodosis
CHAPTER page
LII How the Pope sent messengers to Constantinople,
and received help from the Emperor and fought
againSt the Africans ...... 95
LIII Of the arrival of the Greeks who build a camp near
the mountain ...... 95
LIV How all the Africans were killed or captured, and
how the glorious apoStles Peter and Paul appeared
during the fighting ...... 95
LV Adalbert, marquess of the province of Tuscany,
dies; his son Wido takes his place, and Wido’s
mother is captured by Berengar .... 96
LVI Of the children that Berta is supposed to have borne
to Adalbert ....... 96
LVII How many princes joined with Lampert Arch-
bishop of Milan in rebelling againSt Berengar, and
why they did so ...... 96
LVIII Of the count of the palace whom Berengar
captured and inopportunely entrusted to Lampert’s
keeping ........ 97
LIX How Berengar made requisition for the prisoner,
and why he could not have him
LX Of Rodulf, king of the Burgundians, who took
to wife the daughter of duke Bruchard and was
invited by the Italians to come to them and be
their king .......
LXI How the Hungarians, friends of King Berengar,
killed Odelric and captured Adalbert the king’s
son-in-law and Count Gislebert ....
LXII Of the cunning trick whereby Marquess Adalbert
cheated the Hungarians and got away at a low
ransom ........
LXIII Of Gislebert, how he was captured, scourged and
brought before the king, who in compassion let
him go free with every mark of honour .
LXIV Of the same Gislebert, who went for King Rodulf
and brought him into Italy ....
LXV Of the civil war between Berengar and Rodulf .
66
97
97
98
98
99
99
99
Tit-for-Tat
CHAPTER pace
LXVI How Rodulf won the victory by the help of his
kinsman Boneface ...... ioo
LXVII Rodulf with the consent of the Italians returns to
Burgundy ....... ioi
LXVIII Of the people of Verona who plotted to kill
Berengar ........ ioi
LXIX The wise speech of King Berengar to Flambert . ioi
LXX Of the golden cup given to Flambert by the king . 102
LXXI How at Flambert’s instigation King Berengar was
murdered ....... 102
LXXII Of the king’s blood which even to-day is to be
seen on the pavement ..... 103
LXXIII Of Milo, Berengar’s vassal, who avenged his mailer
and hanged his murderers three days after their
crime ........ 103
67
BOOK II
Chapter I. After the vital warmth had deserted
Arnulf ’s limbs and left his body lifeless, his son Louis
was unanimously elefted to the throne. But the
death of the great king was as clearly known to the
Hungarians close by as it was to the inhabitants of the
whole world, and the day of that joyful event was to
them more pleasant than any festivity, more precious
than any treasure. Why need I say more ?
Ch. II. In the firffc year after Arnulf’s death and
his son’s succession, the Hungarians colledfed a large
army and laid claim to the territory of the Maravani,
a people in whom Arnulf had thought to find a support
againft their attacks. They also seized the land of
the Bavarians, destroyed their caftles, burned their
churches, massacred their people, and, to make them-
selves more and more feared, drank the blood of those
whom they had slain.
Ch. III. Accordingly King Louis, seeing the
cruelty of these enemies and the havoc they were
making among his own people, so fired the hearts of
all with apprehension that if any one by chance
failed to serve in the war which he proceeded to wage
against them, there was nothing left for him to do but
to hang himself. AgainSt Louis’ great army an
innumerable multitude of the villainous Hungarians
hastened to advance. No man ever more ardently
desired a drink of cold water than these cruel savages
longed for the day of battle. Indeed their only joy
is in fighting. In the book which deals with their
69
Antapodosis
origin I read that 1 2 “ as soon as a child is born his
mother makes a cut on his face with a sharp knife, so
that he may learn to bear the pain of wounds before
he has received nourishment from the breaft This
assertion is rendered credible by the wounds they
inflift on their own live flesh as a sign of grief when
their kinsmen are dying. Ce gens sacrilige et impe,
that is, this ungodly and impious race shed blood, it
appears, instead of tears. King Louis with his army
had juft reached Augsburg, a city on the borders of
Swabia, Bavaria and eaftern France, when he heard
of their unexpected, or rather undesired, proximity.
Accordingly next day the two armies met on the
plains of the river Lech, by their extent well suited
to the work of Mars.
Ch. IV. And so it came about that before 1
“ Aurora left Tithonus’ saffron bed ” the Hungarians,
thirfting for murder and eager for the fray, fell upon
the others, namely the Chriftians, while they were
ftill yawning with sleep. Some indeed were awakened
by arrow points before they heard the cries of battle ;
others were transfixed in tiieir beds, and were not
roused either by the din or by their wounds : their
life had gone before their slumber ended. On both
sides a furious battle ftarted, and the Turks retiring
in feigned retreat caused great havoc by the fierce
fire of their filches, that is, of their arrows.
When great Jehovah veils the golden light
Of Phoebus with his clouds and draws dark night
Athwart the heavens, swiftly all around
The lightnings play and faft the thunders sound.
Then tremble they whose trade it is to turn
Black into white and fear themselves to burn
1 Jordanea, HiHory of the Gotbs, ch. 24.
2 Virgil, Ameidj IV, 585.
70
Tit-for-Tat
In levin fire, conscious of their sins.
So swift, so faSt, when once the fight begins,
The foemen’s arrows hurtling in the air
Pierce breastplates through and leave each quiver bare.
And as the cruel bail on cornfields falls,
Or rattles on the roofs of lordly halls,
So fall the sword Strokes on the helms beneath,
So arrows send the brave to mutual death.
By this time Phoebus sinking in the sky marked one
hour after noon and the war god was Still smiling
upon Louis’ side, when the Turks with their wonted
cunning set an ambush and feigned to retreat. As
the king’s men, deceived by the trick, rushed boldly
forward, the troops in ambush fell on them from
every side and the viCtors found themselves in a
moment vanquished and slain. The king himself,
conquered now inStead of conqueror, was filled with
dismay, the reverse being all the more serious because
it was so unexpected. You could have seen the woods
and fields strewn with corpses, the rivers and water
channels running red with blood, while the neighing
of horses and the blare of bugles increased the terror
of the fugitives and cheered on the assailants to fresh
efforts.
Ch. V. Though the Hungarians thus achieved
their desire, tAeir native villainy was not satisfied even
by this dreadful massacre of Christians. To glut their
perfidious rage they scoured the kingdoms of Bavaria,
Swabia, France and Saxony, burning everything as
they went. No one could withstand their onset,
unless protedted by the natural or artificial Strength
of fortifications, and for some years every one here had
to pay them tribute.
Ch. VI. At the time of this onset a certain Adalbert
— I am not referring to an ordinary person, but to
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Antapodosis
the great hero of that name — -was maintaining a fierce
feud againSt the government in his cattle of Bamberg.
King Louis frequently collected all his forces and
attacked him, but the hero, so far from laying near
his cattle, as mod men would have done, marched out
from his fortifications for some distance and took the
initiative in attack. The king’s soldiers at firSt did
not comprehend how bold he was, and thought to go
ahead, entice him from the caStle in a preliminary
skirmish, and kill him before the king arrived. But
Adalbert was not only acquainted with this manoeuvre,
but was fed up with it, and had already advanced so
many miles that his enemies never realised he could
have got so far until his fierce sword point thirsty for
blood was actually at their throat. For about seven
years the hero Adalbert carried on hostilities in this
fashion, and at laSt Louis saw that he could only
overcome his bold resistance by trickery. He therefore
called in Hatto, Archbishop of Mainz, and asked him
what he had better do. To that Hatto, who was well
versed in every sort of guile, replied : — “ Do not
trouble yourself. I will soon relieve you from these
embarrassments. I will arrange that he shall come
to you : you muSt see that he does not go back again ”.
Then with the same confidence as had often before
snatched success for him from disaSter, he made his
way to Bamberg, pretending to be in sympathy with
Adalbert, and on his arrival addressed him thus : —
“ Even if you thought there was no after life, you
would be a&ing wrongly in persisting in rebellion
againSt your liege lord, especially as your conduct
is quite unreasonable. You are so passionate and high
spirited that you do not understand the love that is
felt for you by everyone, and moSt of all by the king.
TruSt me now and take my advice : I give you my
oath that you may without hesitation leave your
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Tit-for-Tat
caCtle and return to it again. Even if you do not
believe my priestly word, you can at leaf! truft my
solemn oath. I will guarantee to bring you back to
this caftle safe and sound, in the same ftate as I will
now lead you out ”.
Accordingly Adalbert, beguiled, or rather betrayed,
by this honey sweet talk, agreed to accept Hatto’s
assurance on oath and at once invited him to dinner.
Hatto however, mindful of the trick which he meant
in a moment to play, said that he could not possibly
dine with him there that day, and hastily prepared
to take his departure. Adalbert took him by the hand
and escorted him for a little way, and as soon as Hatto
saw that he was outside the caCtle, he said : — “ I am
sorry now, my noble lord, that I did not take your
advice and refresh myself with some food, for I have
a long journey in front of me Thereupon Adalbert,
never suspecting what danger and disaster lurked for
him beneath these simple words, replied : — “ Let us
go back, my master : you must not injure your health
by too prolonged a fast : take at leaft a little refresh-
ment To this Hatto agreed and went back to the
caffcle the same way as he had let him out, Chill holding
his hand as he retraced his Cteps. They then took a
haCty meal together, and setting out again arrived
that same day at the king’s camp.
When the news spread that Adalbert had come on
a visit to the king, the whole place was filled with
shouting and uproar. Louis, no little rejoiced at
his appearance, at once called his lords together and
bidding them prepare to sit in judgment thus addressed
them : “ What havoc Adalbert has wrought, in the
paCt seven years, what harm he has done, what distress
of rapine and conflagration he has brought upon us,
we know only too well ; it is not a matter of report,
but of painful experience. Therefore I now await
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Antapodosis
your judgment and ask you what shall be his reward,
to pay for these his glorious deeds ”. The court
unanimously decided that in accordance with the laws
of the kings of old Adalbert was adjudged guilty of
high treason and should be beheaded. As he was
being dragged off in chains to execution, he looked
Hatto in the face and cried : — “ You yourself will be
guilty of perjury, if you allow me to be put to death ”.
But Hatto replied : “ I promised that I would take
you from your fort and bring you back again safe. I
saw that I had fulfilled my promise when I led you
out by the hand and led you back again at once safe
and sound ”. Adalbert sighed to think that he had
discovered the trick too late, and grieving over his
mistake followed the executioner as unwillingly as he
would have been glad to go on living, if he had been
allowed.
Ch. VII. After a few years then, since there was
no one in the eaft or south- eaft of Europe able to
resift the Hungarians — for they had by this time
forced the Bulgarians and the Greeks to pay them
tribute — they took the opportunity to visit the
peoples of the south and weft and try their ftrength
upon them also. They got together an army so huge
that it defied numbering, and swooped down upon
hapless Italy. They pitched their tents, or rather the
miserable rags that served them for shelter, near the
river Brenta, and then sent out scouts for three days
to discover the lie of the country and how many or
how few people were living in it. On their return
they got the following report : — •“ This plain has a
number of hills in it, and is bounded on one side, as
you see, by rugged and fertile mountains, on the other
by the Adriatic : there are also some ftrongly fortified
towns. We do not know whether the people are good
or bad fighters, but it is obvious that their numbers
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are very large. We do not advise an attack with, our
present small force. There are, however, some reasons
which urge us to battle ; our habit of victory, for
example, our courage, our knowledge of warfare, and
above all the wealth before us which we so ardently
desire, wealth such as we have never seen or hoped to
see in any part of the world. If you ask us for our
opinion, we suggest that we now return home — it is
not a very long or difficult journey and can be accom-
plished in ten days or less — and come back here again
next spring, when we have got together all the braveSt
warriors of our nation. Then we shall strike terror
into these people both by our courage and by our
numbers ”.
Ch. VIII. As soon as they heard this the Hungarians
returned to their own country and spent the rough
winter months in making armour, sharpening weapons,
and training their young men in military exercises.
Ch. IX. The sun had not yet passed from the
sign of the Fishes into that of the Ram, when with an
army huge beyond all counting they made their way
into Italy. They passed through the Strong cities of
Aquileia and Verona, and arrived unchecked at
Ticinum, a town which is now known by the more
glorious name of Pavia. King Berengar, who had
never before even heard the word “ Hungarian ”,
could not contain his surprise at this Strange and
wonderful exploit, and at once sent round letters and
messengers to the peoples of Italy, the Tuscans, the
Volscians and the men of Camerino and Spoleto. He
ordered them all to assemble in one place, and so got
together a force three times as Strong as that of the
Hungarians.
Ch. X. Berengar, seeing this great hoSt assembled,
was inflated with pride and attributed his triumph
over the enemy not to God but to his own Strength.
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Antapodosis
He stayed himself in a small town with a few atten-
dants, and gave himself up to pleasure. Why need 1
say more ? As for the Hungarians, when they saw
his huge army, they were filled with consternation
and could not decide what to do. They were afraid
to fight ; they could not run away. Finally, after
long wavering, flight seemed preferable to battle, and
they swam across the river Adda pursued by the
ChriStians, making the passage in such haSte that many
of them were drowned in the crossing.
Ch. XI. Thereupon they wisely sent envoys to
the ChriStians, offering to give up all the booty they
had gained if they might be allowed to return home
in safety. This requeSt — O lamentable tale ! the
ChriStians insultingly rejected, and began to look
about for chains to bind the Hungarians rather than
for swords to kill them. The heathens, therefore,
being unable to appease the ChriStians’ fury, determined
to follow their original plan and seize the opportunity
to escape by flight.
Ch. XII. Continuing their retreat they got to
the broad plains round Verona, where the Christian
vanguard fell upon their rear. A skirmish took place
in which the heathen were victorious : but as a
Stronger force of their enemies was coming up,
they remembered what they had meant to do, and
resumed their journey.
Ch. XIII. The ChriStians and the idolaters
arrived together at the river Brenta, for the Hungar-
ians’ horses were too weary to allow them to go further.
The two armies therefore faced one another, separated
only by the waters of the above named Stream. The
Hungarians by this time were in a mortal panic and
undertook to surrender furniture, captives, arms and
horses, keeping only one animal for each man to
return. To back up their petition, they undertook,
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if the Christians would allow them to depart alive,
that they would never again enter and would give up
their sons as pledges of their word. But alas ! the
ChriStians, swollen with deceitful pride, thought that
the heathens were already beaten and answered them
back with threats. Lent repons e, that is, their reply
was as follows : — “ If we were to accept gifts of
surrender from surrendered dead dogs and enter into
any treaty, even such a madman as OreStes would
swear on his life that we were out of our senses ”. .
Ch. XIV. The Hungarians were driven to despair
by the failure of their envoys, and collecting their
braveSt fighters began to comfort each other with
mutual exhortations like these : — “ Since there is
nothing worse that can happen to men than the ruin
which faces us to-day, inasmuch as entreaties are useless
and flight is impossible, while submission means death,
why should we fear to rush upon our enemies’ swords
and pay for death with death ? Is it not better to
make fortune, not our own cowardice, responsible
for our end ? To fall fighting like men is not to die,
but to live. Let us leave our heritage , that is, our
inheritance of fame to our descendants, even as we
received it from our fathers. We ought to truft
ourselves and our own experience at leaft, for we have
often defeated a superior force with greatly inferior
numbers. A hoft of weaklings is a mere crowd led
out to the slaughter. The War God slays the fugitive
and pro teds the flout fighter. These men, who have
shown no pity to our supplications, do not know ^or
understand that victory is a good thing but excessive
triumph is odious ”.
Ch. XV. After having cheered their hearts with
these words of encouragement they arranged a triple
ambush, and crossing the river rushed Straight upon
the middle of the enemies’ line. Moft of the Christians
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Antapodosis
wearied by the long delay caused by these negotiations,
had got down from their horses and were taking a meal
in camp ; and the Hungarians came down upon them
with such speed that in some cases their swords
a&ually transfixed the food in their gullets. In other
cases flight was impossible, since their horses had been
scared away, and without their heeds they were left
easy vidtims. To increase the disaster the Christians
suffered from their mutual discords. Some of them
not only refrained from attacking the Hungarians, but
panted to see their neighbours slain, thinking in their
perverse folly that they themselves would rule without
restraint, provided that their neighbours were over-
thrown. So by refusing to help their neighbour’s
needs and by rejoicing in his ruin they brought
dehrudtion upon themselves. The Christians finally
fled, and the heathens pursued them savagely ; for
since their proffered gifts had not won them mercy,
they now in their turn refused to listen to supplications.
The flight became a butchery, and the whole realm was
scoured by the Hungarians’ merciless fury. No one
ventured to withstand their approach unless he was
behind strong walls. Indeed at this time their valour
was so irresistible that while one sedtion of them was
plundering Bavaria, Swabia, France and Saxony,
another hoh was laying wahe all Italy.
Cb. XVI. However, it was not their own valour
that won them these triumphs. The word of the
Lord is true, it is more enduring than earth and
heaven, it cannot be changed : even as by the mouth
of the prophet Jeremiah it threatens all peoples in
the person of the house of Israel, saying 1 : — “ Lo, I
will bring a nation upon you from far : it is a mighty
nation, it is an ancient nation, a nation whose language
thou knoweh not, neither underhanded what they
1 Jeremiah , v, 15.
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Tit-for-Tat
say. Their quiver is as an open sepulchre, they are
all mighty men. And they shall eat up thine harveSfc
and thy bread, which thy sons and daughters should
eat : they shall eat up thy flocks and thine herds :
they shall eat up thy vines and thy fig trees : they
shall impoverish thy fenced cities, wherein thou
truStedSt, with the sword. Nevertheless, in those days,
saith the Lord God, I will not make a full end with
you
Ch. XVII. At this same time King Louis died,
and Conrad, a man of Frankish origin and an energetic
and skilful warrior, was unanimously chosen to fill the
throne.
Ch. XVIII. Under him the moft powerful princes
were these : Arnold of Bavaria, Bruchard of Swabia,
Everard the powerful count of France, and Giselbert
duke of Lorraine. Among them also was Henry, the
illustrious and powerful duke of the Saxons and Turin-
gians.
Ch. XIX. In the second year of his reign the
princes mentioned above, and especially Henry, rose
up in rebellion againSfc the king. Conrad however, by
his vigorous wisdom and undaunted courage had the
better of them, and they returned again to their
allegiance. Arnold for his part was so frightened that,
taking his wife and children with him, he fled to the
Hungarians, and Stayed with them so long as the breath
of life was in Conrad’s body.
Ch. XX. In the seventh year of his reign Conrad
knew that the time had come for him to be summoned
into God’s presence. He therefore called the princes
to him, Henry alone being absent, and addressed them
thus : — “ As you see, the time is near at hand when
I shall be called from the corruptible to the incor-
ruptible, from mortality to immortality. Therefore
I beg you now again and again to pursue peace and
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Antapodosis
harmony one with the other. When I leave this life
let no desire for rule, no ambition for empire, fire
your hearts. Eledt Henry, the wise duke, of the
Saxons and Turingians, as king, and make him. your
leige lord. He is a man rich in wisdom, abounding in
severity, and of righteous judgment ”. After saying
this he bade his attendants bring out his regal crown,
not one of plain gold, such as distinguishes a prince of
any rank, but one adorned, or rather weighed down,
with moil precious jewels, together with his sceptre
and royal robes. Then, in spite of his weakness, he
poured forth these words : — “ By these regal ornaments
I appoint Henry as my heir and successor to my
regal dignity. I advise, nay more I beg you, to render
him all obedience”. His death followed soon after
these instructions, and compliance with them followed
his death. As soon as he had expired, the princes
took the crown and the royal vestments to Henry, and
told him everything that Conrad had said in due
order.
Conrad at firSt had modestly declined the high
position of king, and even when he accepted it he
never showed any personal ambition. If his rule had
not been so abruptly ended by death — 1
“ Pale death that with impartial foot
Knocks at the rich man’s tower, the poor man’s cot 99
he would have been one whose glorious empire would
have extended over many nations of our universe.
Ch. XXI. At this same time Arnold, returning
with his wife and sons from Hungary, was welcomed
with every mark of honour by the Bavarians and the
eastern Franks. Indeed not only was he welcomed,
but strongly urged by them, to become king. Accor-
dingly King Henry, seeing that everyone was obedient
1 Horace, Odes , I, iv, 13.
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to his rule and that Arnold alone was inclined to
resift him, collected a strong army and set out for
Bavaria. Arnold heard of this, and not having the
patience to wait for his arrival in Bavaria gathered
together such forces as he could and haftened to meet
him ; for he certainly had the ambition of becoming
king himself. But when they were within an ace of
being forced into fighting, King Henry, like a wise man
and God fearing king, reflected on what irreparable
harm a conflict might do either side, and sent a
messenger to Arnold inviting him to a private con-
ference. Arnold thought that he summoned him to
a single combat, and so he came alone to the appointed
place at the appointed hour.
Ch. XXII. As he came in hafte to meet him
King Henry addressed him thus :
“ Why madly ftrive againft the Lord’s decree ?
The people wills that I their king should be,
By ordinance of Chrift in whom consifts
This universe nor hell itself resifts.
He ftrikes down mighty monarchs from their throne
And sets the humble there, that they may own
God’s favour through the years and to Him raise
Perpetual songs of gratitude and praise.
Why thirft in cruel rage for Chriftian blood ?
Why thus assuage the ftings of envy’s mood ?
Be sure of this : were you the people’s choice
I more than any should with truth rejoice.”
So by the fourfold grace of his oratory, which was
both copious and brief, both compaft and flowery,
wise King Henry succeeded in appeasing Arnold, and
then returned to his own people.
Ch. XXIII. Arnold reported the king’s speech to
his partizans and got from them cette reponse , that is,
this reply : — •“ There is a saying of the Wise Man, nay
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Antapodosis
a saying of Wisdom herself, which runs thus 1 : — ‘ By
me tings reign and wise men decree justice. By me
princes rule And there is one of the Apoftle 3 :
Who doubts that the powers that be are ordained of
God ? Whosoever resifteth the power, resifteth the
ordinance of God \ In choosing Henry all the people
could not have been of one mind, if he had not been
chosen before the foundation of the world by the
Trinity which is one God. If he proves a good man,
we ought to love him and praise God in him ; if bad,
we muft bear him with resignation. For subjects
often by their own deserts bring it about that their
rulers are a burden rather than a guidance. It seems
to us only right and juft, however, that if you agree
with the reft and consent to Henry as king, he for his
part should take your rank and wealth into consider-
ation, and assuage your natural resentment by granting
you some special privilege that your predecessors did
not possess. We suggeft that the bishops of all
Bavaria be put under your authority and that you
shall have the power, when one bishop dies, of ordaining
his successor ”. Arnold agreed with this wise and
excellent advice, became a vassal of King Henry, and
was honoured by him with the gift of all the bishoprics
in Bavaria.
Ch. XXIV. About the same time the Hungarians
heard of the death of King Conrad and the succession
of Henry to the throne. They therefore held
a conference and addressed to one another these
arguments : “ It may be that a new king will wish to
follow new laws. Let us therefore gather together
a large force, and go up and inveftigate the position,
and find out whether King Henry means to pay us
the tribute that he owes us. If — as we do not believe
— he is different from the other kings, let us lay his
1 Proverbs, viii, 15, 2 Romans , xiii, 1.
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kingdom waffce with an endless series of massacres and
conflagrations. We will not occupy the land of the
Bavarians immediately : we will take the territory of
the Saxons firft, where Henry himself is king. Then
if — as we do not expeCt — he should try to get an army
together, it will not be able to reach him in time either
from Lorraine or from France or from Swabia or
from Bavaria. Moreover the land of the Saxons and
the Turingians can be easily ravaged, inasmuch as it
has no mountain defences, nor any of the protection
that fortified towns afford.”
Ch. XXV. King Henry was laid up with a serious
illness when he was informed of the Hungarians’ near
approach. He scarcely waited for the report to end,
but sent off messengers at once through Saxony,
bidding every man who could come to him in five
days under pain of death. Before the time had
expired a strong army had assembled ; for it is the
laudable and praiseworthy custom of the Saxons to
allow no male above the age of thirteen to shirk
military service. Thereupon the king, weak in body
but strong in spirit, found enough vigour to mount his
horse and collecting his forces round him fired their
fury for the fray by this address : —
Ch. XXVI.
“ Famous in war were the Saxons of old.
Lions in battle their own they did hold,
Even when Charles the whole world had subdued
And every land with red carnage embrued.
E’en that great vidtor the Saxons defeated ;
And if before his next rush they retreated.
That was God’s kindness who willed that our nation
Should have its share of the Christian salvation.
Now ’tis the heathenish Turks who attack,
Men who know nothing of Chrift, and alack 1
Hate God’s own church, and would force us to pay
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Money as ransom ere they march away.
Up then, my heroes, and enter the fight,
Show to the foe your invincible might.
Pay them no tribute, but let the knaves know
Death is the gift they shall carry below,
And, when their reckoning with you they tell,
Count their doubloons in the red fires of hell.”
Ch. XXVII. The King seeing that his exhorta-
tions had fired his men for the fray, called for silence
and once again touched by the breath of divine
inspiration added these words : “ The deeds of the
Kings of old and the writings of the holy fathers suggest
to us what we ought to do. It is not hard for God to
defeat a great hoT with a small company if the faith
of those who desire vidfory deserves it : a faith, I mean,
not only of professions but of works, not only of the
lips but of the heart. Let us pray then and according
to the psalmiT offer up our vows ; I firft, who seem to
be foremost in rank and position. Let the heresy of
Simony, hated by God and condemned by the blessed
Peter, chief of the apoTles, which up to now has been
rashly maintained by my predecessors, be altogether
banished from our realm. Love of unity will then bind
together those whom the devil’s cunninghas separated ! ”
Ch. XXVIII. The King was desirous of saying
more to the same effedt, when a flying messenger
rushed in with news that the Hungarians were at
Merseburg, a caftle on the borders of the Saxons,
Turingians and Slavonians. He added that they had
taken a huge company of women and children
prisoners and had killed an immense number of men ;
for they had declared, in order to Trike terror into the
Saxons, that they would leave no one over ten years
of age alive. The King’s firm courage, however,
was not dismayed, but he uged his men all the more
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vehemently to battle, telling them it was their bounden
duty to fight for their country and meet a glorious
end.
Ch. XXIX. Meanwhile the Hungarians were
questioning their captives to find out if they were
bound to attack. Being assured that otherwise their
success was impossible, they sent out scouts to see if
it was true. These men set out at once and came in
sight of King Henry with a huge army close to the
above mentioned town of Merseburg. They scarcely
had time to return to their men and tell them
of the enemies’ approach : indeed it was the
King in person, not a messenger, who gave them
warning of attack.
Ch. XXX. The battle began immediately. From
the Christian’s ranks on all sides was heard the holy,
and wondrous cry “Kyrie eleison” “ Lord have mercy
upon us ” : from the heathen came the foul and
diabolical shout “ Hui hui.”
Ch. XXXI. Before the beginning of the engage-
ment Henry had given his men this sagacious and
practical advice : “ When you are hastening forward
to the firSt skirmish, let no one of you try to get ahead
of his comrades juSt because he has a swifter horse.
Cover yourselves on one side with your bucklers, and
catch the firSt flight of arrows on your shields : then
rush at them at full speed as furiously as you can, so
that before they have time to fire a second volley they
may feel the blows of your swords upon their heads ”.
The Saxons accordingly, remembering this practical
advice, advanced in level line. No one used his
horse’s speed to get in front of his slower neighbour,
but covering themselves on one side with their shields,
as the king bade them, they caught the enemies’
arrows on them and rendered them harmless. Then,
according to their wise leader’s command, they rushed
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at full speed upon the foe, who groaned and gave up
the ghoft before they could shoot again. So, by the
kindness of God’s grace, the Hungarians found flight
preferable to battle. Their swiftest horses then
seemed sluggish to them : their gorgeous trappings
and bright shields appeared a burden rather than a
protection. They threw aside their bows, flung away
their arrows, tore off their horses’ trappings, that
nothing might check their speed, and thought of
nothing but precipitate flight. But Almighty God,
who had gripped them of courage for the fray, denied
them any chance of escape. The Hungarians accor-
dingly were cut to pieces and put to flight, the great
throng of their prisoners was released, and the voice
of lamentation changed to songs of joy. This memor-
able and glorious triumph the king had celebrated in
the upper room of a house at Merseburg par un
tableau , that is, by a pifture, so that you can now see
the battle, not as it might have happened, but as it
actually occurred.
Ch. XXXII. While this was going on the Italians
almost unanimously by messengers invited a certain
Louis, a man of Burgundian descent, to come to them,
drive Berengar from the throne, and take the power
himself.
Ch. XXXIII. The instigator of this foul crime was
Adalbert, marquess of Ivrea, to whom Berengar had
given his daughter Gisla in marriage. By Gisla
Adalbert had a son, whom he called after his grand-
father, and he, he, I repeat, is the present Berengar,
under whose monftrous tyranny all Italy is now
groaning, the man whose foul tricks have forced the
reft of the world to deftroy rather than to assift our
poor country. But enough on that sub j eft. Let us
return to our narrative.
Ch. XXXIV. This same Adalbert was a man of
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thoroughly bad character, a source of danger to all
honesl folk. In the days of his hot youth he had been
wonderfully pious and liberal, so much so indeed that
if a poor man met him on his return from the chase
and wanted something which he could give, he would
at once hand him the horn which hung by a gold
fastening from his neck, and later buy it back from him
at its full value. But afterwards he got so bad a
reputation that grown men as well as children sung
the following lines about him ; and they were well
deserved. They sound better in another language, so
let us give them thus : —
“ Adalbert ns e£t cohortis
Comes validus et fortis.
Ensem longum tenet, idem
Regi p ary am tenet fidem.”
The meaning of the lines is that Adalbert has along
sword but little sense of loyalty.
Ch. XXXV. At the instigation of his fellow then
and of some other Italians, the above mentioned Louis
came into Italy. As soon as Berengar heard of his
approach he marched againSt him, and when Louis
saw Berengar’s large army and his own small force,
under compulsion of terror he promised with an oath
that no offers would ever tempt him into Italy again,
if he were then allowed to return unharmed. His
expulsion was the easier in that Berengar at this time
by lavish gifts had secured the loyal support of Adalbert,
the powerful marquess of Tuscany.
Ch. XXXVI. But after a little time had elapsed
the Adalbert in question took offence against Berengar ;
and his wife Berta, mother of Hugh who in my time
became king of Italy, sedulously fostered his grievance.
The result was that the princes of Italy, after consul-
tation with Adalbert, again invited Louis to claim
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the throne. Louis’ ambition made him forget his
oath and he came at once in hot hafte.
Ch. XXXVII. Berengar, seeing that Louis was
being supported both by the princes of Italy and the
princes of Tuscany, set out for Verona. Louis,
however, with the Italians, did not cease to pursue
him and finally drove him even from Verona and
subdued the whole realm.
Ch. XXXVIII. After this it seemed good to Louis
that as he had seen all parts of Italy he should also
pay a visit to Tuscany. He accordingly left Pavia and
set out for Lucca, where he was received by Adalbert
with great pomp and hospitality.
Ch. XXXIX. So when Louis saw whole companies
of well equipped soldiers standing about in Adalbert’s
palace, and noticed the expenses that this display of
power involved, he was seized with jealous envy and
said privately to his followers : — •“ This fellow might
well be called not marquess but king ; in nothing but
the name is he my inferior ”. Adalbert got to know of
this, and when his wife Berta, who was a shrewd woman,
heard of it also, she not only induced her husband to
renounce his allegiance to Louis but persuaded the
other Italian princes to follow his example. As a
result, when Louis arrived at Verona on his return
journey, and suspecting no danger had taken up his
quarters there without hesitation, Berengar bribed the
city guards at dead of night and passed through the
gates with a Strong force of fearless followers.
Ch. XL. As the Tiber runs through Rome, so
the river Adige runs through Verona. Over it a huge
marble bridge has been built, of wonderful size and
workmanship. On the left, or northern, bank the
city is protected by a high Iteep hill, so that even if
the right hand side is occupied by an enemy, it is
possible to offer a manful resistance on the left. On
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the summit of the hill there stands a church of mo£t
coStly Structure, consecrated in honour of Saint Peter,
the chief of the apostles, and here Louis, owing to its
picturesque position and strong defences, was Claying.
Ch. XL1. Berengar, as we have said, entered the
city by night without Louis’ knowledge, and crossing
the bridge with his men reached his enemy just as
dawn was faintly breaking. Louis, awakened by the
shouts and clamour of the soldiers, inquired what was
the matter, and then, realizing his danger, took refuge
in the church, no one except one of Berengar’s men
knowing where he had gone. This fellow determined
not to betray his hiding place, but fearing left his
comrades might come upon it and reveal it and then
Louis be put to death, he went himself to Berengar
and addressed him thus : “ Since God has deemed
you so worthy that He has now put your enemy into
your power, it is your duty to honour His precepts,
or rather His commands. He has said 1 : c Be ye
merciful, as your Father also is merciful. Judge not,
and ye shall not be judged : condemn not, and ye
shall not be condemned.’ ” Berengar, who was not
devoid of cunning, realized that the man knew where
Louis was hiding, and so he deceived him with this
sophistical answer : — •“ Do you imagine, blockhead,
that I wish to kill a man, nay more, a king, whom the
Lord has put into my hands ? When God put King
Saul in David’s power, had not that righteous man the
opportunity to slay him and yet refused to rise it ? ”
The soldier was induced by these words to point out
the place of Louis’ retreat, and the latter was thereupon
dragged out and brought before Berengar where the
king rebuked him thus : — “ How long, Louis, will you
abuse our patience ? Can you deny that occasion in
the paSt, when you were so hemmed in by my forces
1 St Luke , vi, 36.
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and my careful guard that you could not move a hand
againSt me ? And did I not then listen to the voice
of pity, which you did not deserve, and let you go
free ? Have you realized, I say, that you are a prisoner,
caught in the meshes of your own perfidy ? You
assured me, you know, that you would never set foot
in Italy again. I grant you your life, for I promised
it to the man who betrayed you ; but not only do I
order, but I insist, that you be deprived of your
sight.” His commands were fulfilled ; Louis was
blinded, and Berengar again became master of the
realm.
Ch. XLII. Meanwhile the mad rage of the
Hungarians, unable to find vent in Saxony, France,
Swabia and Bavaria, spread itself without resistance
over all Italy, Berengar doing his beSt to win their
friendship as he could not rely on the loyalty of his
own soldiers.
Ch. XLII I.. The Saracens also, who, as I have said,
were living at Fraxinetum, after ruining Provence,
extended their savage raids to the northern diStrifts
of Italy close by, and finally, after sacking several
cities, came to Acqui, a town about forty miles from
Pavia, which gets its name from the wonderful square
baths that have been built there. The whole country
accordingly was in a panic, and no one waited for the
Saracens to approach unless he had a perfectly sure
refuge.
Ch. XLIF. At this same time another band of
Saracens sailed from Africa to Italy and laid hands on
Calabria, Apulia, Benevento and almost all the cities
belonging to the Romans, so that in every place the
Romans held but one half, these Africans the other.
Indeed they established a fort on Mount Garigliano,
where they kept in security their wives, children and
captives, and all their goods and chattels. No one
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coming from the we£t or north to make his prayers
on the thresholds of the blessed apoftles was able to
get into Rome without being either taken prisoner
by these men or only released at a high ransom.
Indeed although our poor Italy was hard pressed by
the ravages of the Hungarians and the Saracens from
Fraxinetum, no fury, no pestilence was so destructive
as these Africans proved to be.
Ch. XLV. It is said that the occasion of their
leaving Africa and coming to Italy was as follows.
When the auguSt emperors Leo and Alexander left
this mortal life, Romanos, as I shall relate in fuller
detail, was joint ruler at Constantinople with Con-
stantine, son of the emperor Leo, who is Still alive
amongSt us. The usual thing happened in the firSt
year of Romanos’ reign : an attempt at rebellion was
made by some of les orientates , that is, by some of
the eaStern peoples. As a further result, while the
emperor’s troops were occupied in quelling this
revolt, Apulia and Calabria, two countries which were
then part of his dominions, also rebelled againSt him.
With a large army already in the eaSt, the emperor
could not spare any great force for Italy, and he
therefore at firSt merely summoned the rebels to
return to their former allegiance. They flatly refused
to do anything of the sort, and the emperor in a rage
sent messengers to the African king, offering him money
and begging him with the help of his brave soldiers
to subdue Apulia and Calabria for him. Thereupon
the African sent a huge fleet and army across to Italy,
and by force of arms brought these two di£fcri£b once
more beneath the emperor’s control. But when the
time came for the Africans to leave Calabria, they
wheeled northwards in the direction of Rome, and
for their own security laid claim to Mount Garigliano,
and also captured many strong cities in fierce fight.
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Ch. XLVI. Our Lord Jesus Chrift, co-eternal and
consubftantial with the Father and the Holy Ghoft,
whose mercy fills the earth, who wishes no man to
perish, but all men to be saved and come to knowledge
of the truth, left that be loft which God foreordained
before the world was made, when He created man
after all other creatures, to make use of them and be
their mafter, man whom at the end of time He who is
true man and true God, not two but one, redeemed
by the shedding of His blood — Our. Lord, I say,
invites some men by kindness to love Him and cherish
their native land, while in other cases He uses the
compulsion of fear. He seeks not His own glory, for
He can get no benefit from our goodness as the
prophet teftifies saying : — “ Thou needeft not my
goods ” — nor derive any harm from our badness, but
He desires to help us. So, as kindness had proved^ in
vain, He willed for the moment to chaftise us with
terror in this fashion. But finally, left the Saracens
should insult too long and say— “ Where now is their
God ? ” God turned the hearts of the Chriftians and
filled them with an even greater desire for fighting
than that which they had felt for flight.
Ch. XLVII. At this time John of Ravenna
occupied the venerable see of Rome, having obtained
the papacy by a crime that outraged all law, human
and divine. The circumftances were as follows.
Ch. XLFIII. A certain shameless ftrumpet called
Theodora, grandmother of the Alberic who recently
passed from this life, at one time was sole monarch of
Rome and — shame upon us even to say the words ! —
exercised power in the moft manly fashion. She had
two daughters, Marotia and Theodora, and these
damsels were not only her equals but could even surpass
her in the exercises that Venus loves. Marotia, as
the result of shameful adultery, became the mother
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by Pope Sergius, whom we have mentioned above, of
the John who after the death of John of Ravenna won
his way to the papacy ; by the marquess Alberic she
had another son, the Alberic who in our days made
himself prince of Rome.
Now the see of Ravenna, an archbishopric held only
second in importance to the papacy of Rome, was then
in Peter’s hands. John, who afterwards became Pope,
was one of his church clergy and was frequently sent
by him to Rome with official messages of due respeft
to his apostolic superior. Theodora, who, as I have
declared, was a quite shameless harlot, saw the young
man, and at once was all on fire with luft to possess
him. So inflamed was she by his handsome person
that not only did she offer herself to him as his mistress,
but forced him to comply with her desires again and
again. While this shamelessness was going on, the
Bishop of Bologna died and John was elected in his
place. Juft before the day of his consecration Peter
the Archbishop of Ravenna passed away, and at
Theodora’s inftigation John abandoned his see at
Bologna and filled with vaunting ambition broke all
the laws of the holy Fathers and claimed the Arch-
bishopric as his own. He therefore came to Rome
and soon afterwards was ordained Bishop of Ravenna.
Then a little time elapsed and God summoned the
Pope who had illegally ordained him. Thereupon
Theodora, with a harlot’s wanton naughtiness, fearing
that she would have few opportunities of going to bed
with her sweetling if he were separated from her by
the two hundred miles that lie between Ravenna and
Rome, forced him to abandon his archbishopric at
Ravenna, and take for himself — O monftrous crime ! —
the papacy of Rome. This was the man then, and
this was the way in which he became Vicar of the
holy apoftles, when the Africans, as I began by saying,
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were wreaking such, cruel havoc on Benevento and the
cities near Rome.
Ch. XL1X. It happened meanwhile that one of
the African soldiers, as the result of some wrong done
to him, deserted and came to Pope John and under
divine inspiration addressed him thus : — “ If you were
wise, lord bishop, you would not allow your people
and your country to be so cruelly mangled by the
Africans. Pick out some young men, nimble and quick
of foot, who will obey me readily as master, teacher
and general. No one of them mud carry anything
except one shield each, one javelin, one sword, some
simple clothes and a small quantity of provisions.”
Ch. L. Sixty youths answering to his description
were found and handed over to him, and with them he
hastened to attack the Africans, hiding by the side
of the narrow roads which they used. So on several
occasions when the Africans were returning from a raid,
the young men sprang out from their ambush with
a fierce cry upon them, and taking them unawares
and off their guard cut them down with but little
difficulty. A shout from the lips and a blow from the
hand were simultaneous, nor were the Africans aware
of what was happening, or who were their assailants,
until they found themselves transfixed by their
javelins. Finally several other bands of Romans,
encouraged by news of these successes, routed the
Africans in different parts of the country, and at laSt
the enemy, worn down by this clever policy, gave up
their plans and left the Roman cities alone, only
keeping Mount Garigliano as a place of refuge.
Ch. LI. When John was made pope, as we have
said, a certain Landolf, an energetic man and skilful
in all military exercises, was the illustrious prince of
Benevento and Capua. As the Africans were doing
great damage to the State, Pope John consulted this
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noble prince Landolf and asked him what he had
better do in regard to this African business. When the
prince got this message, he sent envoys to the Pope
with the following reply : “ My spiritual father, this
is a matter that requires careful consideration and a
bold policy. Send therefore to the emperor of the
Greeks, for these fellows are continually ravaging his
territory this side of the sea juft as they do ours.
Invite the people of Camerino and Spoleto also to
help us, and under God’s protection let us all then
begin a vigorous campaign. If we win, let the victory
be imputed, not to our hoSfc, but to God : if the
Africans beat us, let it be put to the account of our
sins and not to cowardice.”
Ch. LII. As soon as the pope heard this he sent
off messengers to Constantinople, humbly asking the
emperor for assistance. The latter, being a righteous
and God fearing man, without delay sent off a fleet
with an army on board, which passed up the river
Garigliano and joined forces with Pope John,
Landolf the powerful prince of Benevento, and the
people of Camerino and Spoleto. A fierce battle
then followed, from which the Africans, seeing that
the ChriStians were the Stronger, retreated to the
summit of Mount Garigliano and contented themselves
with blocking all the narrow paths up it.
Ch. LIII. The Greeks this same day pitched their
camp on that side of the hill where the ascent was
Steeper and opportunities for retreat more available.
They then kept a close watch on the Africans to
prevent them from escaping, and by daily assaults
caused them considerable loss of men.
Ch. LIV. Day by day the Greeks and the Latins
continued their attacks, and finally by God’s grace
not a single African remained ; they were all either
slain by the sword or taken alive. In this fighting
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some faithful believers saw the figures of the two
apoftles Saint Pater and Saint Paul, and we are con-
fident that it was owing to their prayers, that the
Christians obtained the victory and the Africans were
put to flight.
Ch. LV. At this time Adalbert, the powerful
marquess of Tuscany, died and his son Wido was
appointed by King Berengar marquess in his place.
However, Adalbert’s wife Berta, after her husband’s
death, exercised as much authority with her son as
Adalbert himself had possessed. By cunning, lavish
gifts, and the pleasant exercises of the nuptial couch,
Berta secured a number of loyal supporters. Con-
sequently, when a little later she with her son was
taken prisoner and confined in Mantua, her friends
refused to surrender her cities and castles to King
Berengar, but held them firmly for her and soon
afterwards released her and her son from prison.
Ch. LV1. This lady by common report had three
children by her husband : Wido, whom we have
mentioned above ; Lambert, who is ftill alive but
blind ; and one daughter Ermengarde, her mother’s
doughty rival in the sweet delights of Aphrodite,
whom she married to Adalbert marquess of Ivrea on
the death of his firft wife, Gisla daughter of Berengar
and mother of the King Berengar now alive. Ermen-
garde had one son named Anscar, and my next book
will describe what marvellous courage and boldness he
possessed.
Ch. LFII. At this same period Adalbert, the king’s
son-in-law, marquess of Ivrea, and Odelric count of
the palace, a man of Swabian descent, together with
the rich and energetic count Gislebert and Lampert
Archbishop of Milan, joined with some of the other
Italian princes in a rebellion againft Berengar. The
cause of their revolt was as follows. When the time
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came for Lampert after his predecessor’s death, to be
ordained Archbishop of Milan, Berengar, contrary to
the rules of the Holy Fathers, claimed from him a
large sum of money, and after his own demands had
been satisfied sent in a further account, bating the
sums ftill due to his chamberlains, his porters, the
guardians of his peacocks, and even his poultry men.
Lampert was so inflamed with desire to become
archbishop that he paid all that the king demanded ;
but how it pained him to do so you will understand by
what follows.
Ch. LVIII. At that time the above mentioned
Odelric, count of the palace, was Berengar’s prisoner,
and on Lampert’s appointment the king entrusted
him with the care of his captive until he should decide
what to do with him. Lampert however had not
forgotten the amount of money he had paid for his
bishopric, and soon began to discuss the king’s irreli-
gious conduct with his charge.
Ch. LIX. A few suns had set when Berengar
sent a messenger ordering Odelric to appear before
him. The bishop’s reply, as is well known, was
couched in these ironical words : — “ Assuredly I
ought to be deprived of my holy office, if I hand over
any man to one who intends to cut his throat.” The
messengers saw that this refusal to surrender to the
king a man whom he had entrusted to him meant
nothing else but open rebellion, and therefore on
their return they made their report in the line from
Terence’s play 1 :
If you want it kept securely, hand it over, pray, to him.”
Ch. LX. At this time King Rodulf held sway
over the haughty Burgundians, his great power
having been further increased by his marriage with
1 Terence, Adelphi, III, 3, 18.
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Antapodosis
Berta, daughter of Bruchard the might/ duke of
Swabia. The Italians accordingly now sent messengers
to him, asking him to drive Berengar from the throne.
Cb. LXI. In the middle of their negotiations,
however, it happened that without their knowledge
a body of Hungarians arrived at Verona, whose two
leaders Dursacand Bugat were close friends of Berengar.
Marquess Adalbert, Count Odelric, Count Gisle-
bert, and several others were in the mountains near
Brescia, fifty miles from Verona, holding secret
meetings to arrange for Berengar’s downfall,, when
the king sent to the Hungarians, asking them, if they
loved him, to fall upon his enemies. The Hungarians,
who were, as ever, eager for battle and thirsty for
blood, at once agreed. Berengar provided them
with a guide who took them by an unusual route,
so that they came upon the conspirators from the rear
and attacked them so quickly that they had no time
to put on armour or snatch up a sword. Many were
captured, many were killed ; Count Odelric, who
defended himself manfully, being among these latter,
while the Marquess Adalbert and Gislebert were taken
alive.
Cb. LXII. Adalbert was no great man of war, but
he was excessively clever and shrewd- When he saw
the Hungarians bursting in on every side and knew
there was no hope of escape, he threw away his belt
and golden armlets and any other ornaments of value,
and dressed himself up in a soldier’s rough coat, so
that the Hungarians might not recognize him.
Accordingly, when they laid hands on him and asked
him who he was, he said that he was a soldier’s batman,
and prayed them to take him to the neighbouring
town of Calcinate, where, he declared, his parents
would pay ransom for him. Not being recognized he
was taken to the town, and handed over at a very low
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figure, the actual purchaser being one of his own
vassals, a man called Leo.
Ch. LX111. Gislebert for his part was recognized,
and after being scourged and put in chains was dragged
before Berengar half naked. He had no drawers on
and only a short tunic, so that when he fell down
hastily on his face at the king’s feet the whole company
almost died with laughter to see his testicles plainly
revealed. King Berengar, however, loving piety as
always, listened again to the voice of mercy, although
Gislebert did not deserve it, and instead of gratifying
the people’s wish by returning evil for evil, he had him
taken to a bath at once and supplied with rich raiment,
and then allowed him to depart, with these words :
“I demand no oath from you. I leave you to
your own sense of loyalty ; for you know that if you
injure me you will have to render account to God.”
Ch. LX1V. Gislebert then returned to his own
estates and immediately forgot the kindness he had
received. As envoy from Adalbert, the king’s son-in-
law and the others who had joined in the rebellion,
he went to persuade Rodulf to come into Italy, and
within a month succeeded in his purpose. Rodulf
arrived, and obtaining universal support left Berengar
nothing but Verona in the whole realm, which he
himself forcefully governed for the next three years.
Ch. LXV. Seeing that a man in the course of
twelve hours is now satisfied with himself and now
dissatisfied, now loves a thing and now hates it, how
is it possible that he should always consistently please
all men ? So before those three years had passed,
while some people thought Rodulf a good king,
others considered him a tyrant. The result was that
one half of the realm desired Rodulf for ruler, the
other half preferred Berengar. They therefore pre-
pared for civil war on a wide scale, and since Wido,
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Bishop of Piacenza, supported Berengar’s faction, they
made ready for battle near Fiorenzuola, twelve miles
from Placentia.
A week had passed in fair July
Since its tenth day was bom,
And lo ! the clouds of civil strife
Darkened the gloomy morn.
The sun had scarcely shown his light
When clarions called each man to fight.
Father slays son — O cruel fate !
A son his father slays.
A grandsire lifts the murderous sword
And ends his grandson’s days.
The Furies fan the flame of ftrife
As brother takes his brother’s life.
King Berengar speeds through the hoft ;
King Rodulf with fierce blade
Wreaks havoc in the crowded ranks,
As when the corn is laid
By some black ftorm with sickle keen ;
And ruin reigns where peace has been.
Ch. LXV1. King Rodulf had given his sifter
Waldrada, a lady who is ftill alive and of high repute
both for her beauty and her wisdom, to the powerful
Count Boneface, who later in my time became
marquess of Camerino and Spoleto. In company with
Count Gariard he collefteda force and came to Rodulf’s
assiftance ; but as he was as shrewd as he was bold,
he preferred to lie in ambush with his men and to
await results rather than encounter the firft shock of
battle. Rodulf’s forces were almoft all in retreat and
Berengar’s soldiers at the signal of victory were taking
the opportunity to colleft the spoils, when Boneface
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and Gariard suddenly rushed from their ambush, and
routed the vigors the more easily because their attack
was so unexpected. Gariard spared a few of the
enemy, striking them with his spear shaft rather than
the blade ; but Boneface was merciless and caused
fearful havoc in their ranks . He was soon able to sound
the signal of victory, and Rodulf’s retreating forces
having now joined him, they pursued Berengar’s men
together and forced them to take to flight. Berengar
then retired to his wonted shelter in Verona ; and in
this carnage so great was the number of the slain
that even to-day fighting men in this diftriCf are
scarce.
Ch. LXV1I. After this success Rodulf subdued the
whole realm by force of arms, and coming in hafte
to Pavia addressed his assembled forces thus : —
“ Since by the kindness of heaven’s favour it has been
granted me to conquer my enemies and secure the
throne, it is my desire to commend my realm of Italy
to your loyal protection and to visit my old home in
Burgundy.” To this the Italians answered : — “ If
that seems good to you, we are ready.”
Ch. LXVIII. After Rodulf’s departure the people
of Verona listened to bad advice and plotted treacher-
ously to take Berengar’s life. The instigator of this
cruel crime was a certain Flambert, to whose son the
king had aCted as sponsor at the baptismal fount, thus
sharing paternity with the father. Berengar became
aware of the plot, and the day before he met his
end he summoned Flambert to him and said these
words : —
Ch. LXIX. “ If there were not so many good
reasons for affeCtion between you and me, then
perhaps I might believe what I hear about you.
People tell me that you are plotting againCt my life :
but I give no credence to their tales. I want you to
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remember that every increase of fortune and position
you have had would have been impossible had it not
been for my kindness. Therefore you ought to be
grateful, and let me reft on the throne secure of your
affection and loyal support. I think that no man has
ever shown such care for his own fortunes and welfare
as I have shown for your advancement. All my
wishes have centred on that one obje£f, all my exer-
tions, cares and efforts, all my thoughts for the ffate.
Be sure of this : if I see that you remain loyal, my own
life will not be so dear to me as the pleasure I shall
feel in pious gratitude.”
Ch. LXX. When the king had ended thus, he
handed him a heavy golden cup and added : “ As a
pledge of welfare and affection, drink the contents
and accept the container ”. After that draught
Satan truly and without doubt entered into the
other, as it is written of Judas who betrayed Our
Lord Jesus Christ 1 : — “ After the sop Satan entered
into him ”.
Ch. LXXI. Forgetful of the paif and present
favours he had received Flambert spent a sleepless
night urging the people to murder the king. He, for
his part, followed his usual custom and took up his
lodging, not in the palace which could have been
defended, but in a pleasant cottage near the church.
Moreover, as he suspefted no mischief, that night no
guards were set.
The crowing cock had clapped his wings,
And loud the brazen bell
Rang out for men to rise from sleep.
Casting off slumber’s spell,
And come to God’s own house and raise
To heaven the morning song of praise.
1 St John , xiii, 27.
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The king was kneeling in the church
Praying to Him who gave
This life to men and bade us seek
A realm beyond the grave ;
When lo ! the door was opened wide
And Flambert waiting flood outside.
A crowd was with him who had come
In ha£le their lord to kill.
The king rose quickly at the noise
Suspecting naught of ill,
And when he saw the signs of war
Cried out to Flambert from afar : —
“ Good sir, what means this turmoil here ?
What seeks this armed throng ? ”
The other answered : — “ Have no fear.
They would not do you wrong.
Their aid againft those rogues they bring
Who plot this day to slay their king.”
So truftfully to them he came
ExpeCting help to find.
Then swift the murderer raised his spear
And smote him from behind.
Down falls the king, and as he falls
Upon God’s gracious mercy calls.
Ch. LXXI1. How innocent was the blood these
men shed, how perverse their villainy, I need not
declare. The Clone before the church door with its
blood marks is plain evidence to all who pass by.
However much they are washed and scrubbed, those
ftains can never be wiped away.
Ch. LXXIII. Berengar had brought up with all
care in his household a youth of heroic character
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named Milo, a young man well worthy of history’s
praise. If the king had listened to his advice, he would
not have met this so unhappy fate ; unless indeed all
this was the result of God’s providence and could not
be altered. Certainly on the night when Berengar
was betrayed Milo had brought in soldiers and proposed
to have a force on guard for the night. The king
however, deceived by Flambert’s promises, not only
would not have a guard set but ftridtly forbade Milo
to take any precautions. But though he was not able
to protect the king in his absence, Milo, like a faithful
upright servant not forgetful of the kindness he had
received, soon found means to take signal vengeance
on his assassin. Three days after the murder he laid
violent hands on Flambert and his accomplices, and
had them all hanged. There were indeed in Milo
manly virtues of high excellence and of them at the
proper time I will speak, if God so pleases and life
be granted to me.
104
CONTENTS
EOOK III
CHAPTER page
I Of the title of this work, why it is called Anta-
podosis ........ 109
II How after Berengar’s death and Rodulf’s departure
the Hungarians ravaged Italy . . . .110
III A metrical description of the lamentable burning
of Pavia . . . . . . . . Iio
IV How God’s sword did not utterly destroy Pavia,
but by His mercy wonderfully freed her from the
Hungarians . . . . . . .ill
V How she was freed by the merits of her patron
saint Syrus . . . . . - .112
VI How this same saint Syrus came to Pavia and by the
spirit of prophecy foretold her prosperity and
Aquileia’s ruin . . . . . .112
VII Why Ermengarde became so powerful after the
death of her husband Adalbert . . . .113
VIII Soon after King Rodulf’s return from Burgundy
Ermengarde revolts against him, and with the help
of the Italians seizes Pavia . . . . .113
IX King Rodulf marches with an army on Pavia . 113
X How Ermengarde by her cunning induced Rodulf
to leave his men by night and come over to her as a
deserter . . . -• - • .113
XI How Rodulfs soldiers fled to Milan when this
next morning was discovered . . . .114
XII The Italians send for Hugh . . * .114
XIII Rodulf again goes to Burgundy and brings back his
wife’s father Bruchard to help him . . .114
105
Antapodosis
CHAPTER
XIV For what reason Bruchard set out to Milan and
why after an honourable reception there it was
resolved to kill him ......
XV Bruchard returning from Milan reaches Novara,
where he and all his men are slain by the Italians .
XVI After Bruchard’s death Rodulf retires to Burgundy,
and Hugh sails across the Gulf of Lyons to Italy .
XVII Some of the Italians meet him at Pisa, where
envoys from Pope John also come, and at their
advice he goes to Pavia and is made king .
XVIII Of King Hugh’s brother Wido, governor of Tuscany,
who took the Roman harlot Marozia as his wife
XIX
XX
XXI
XXII
XXIII
XXIV
XXV
XXVI
XXVII
XXVIII
XXIX
XXX
Of King Hugh’s many virtues and how they were
marred by his incontinence ....
How King Hugh at that time had two sons .
How King Hugh won the friendship of King
Henry ........
Of the envoy sent by the king to Constantinople
to the Roman Emperor .....
Of the two dogs presented to the Emperor and how
they tried to bite him .....
Why King Hugh’s envoy was so wonderfully well
received by the Emperor .....
Of the ferocious lion that Romanos killed .
How Romanos fir£f was appointed admiral and
then father of the Emperor ....
The general-in~chief Focas, fighting against the
Bulgarian king Simeon, retires of his own accord
when he hears that Romanos has been appointed
father of the Emperor .....
In what fashion Focas coming to Constantinople
is taken prisoner by Romanos and blinded .
Of the Bulgarian king Simeon, who was at firft
a monk and afterwards a king ....
Of Romanos who married his daughter Helena
to the Emperor Constantine ....
io 6
PA Gt
US
116
116
ii 6
117
117
117
117
118
118
118
119
121
122
123
123
124
Tit-fOr-Tat
CHAPTER page
XXXI Why the emperors have the name Porphyro-
genitus 124
XXXII In what fashion Basil became emperor after
murdering his mailer the Emperor Michael . . 124
XXXIII Of how Our Lord Jesus Chrilb appeared in a vision
to Basil and frightened him with regard to
Michael’s death 125
XXXIV Of Basil’s repentance and of the wonderful church
he built in atonement for his sin . . . .125
XXXV In what fashion Romanos addressed the princes, and
after being father of the emperor became emperor
himself 126
XXXVI How Romanos was born of a humble family . . 127
XXXVII Romanos makes his son Chrilbopher emperor, and
unfairly gives him precedence over his mailer
Conlbantine 1 27
XXXVIII In what fashion peace was arranged between
Romanos and Simeon 128
XXXIX Of Walpert and Gezo of Pavia, who Ibirred up a
revolt again lb King Hugh 128
XL How they were deceived by a humble message
from the king ....... 129
XLI Soon afterwards Walpert is beheaded and Gezo
blinded 130
XLI I Of Bishop Ildoin and the monk Rather, how
King Hugh made the firlb Archbishop of Milan,
and the second Bishop of Verona . . . 132
XLIII In what fashion Pope John was taken captive,
put in prison, and killed there ; who was ordained
in his place; and how on Wido’s death Lambert
becomes marquess . . • . . .132
XLIV Marozia invites King Hugh to her bed . . 133
XLV Of the fort at the entrance to Rome, where King
Hugh is received, and whence soon afterwards he is
shamefully driven by Alberic . . . . 133
XL VI How this was due to God’s dispensation . 135
I07
Antapodosis
CHAPTER page
XL VII In what fashion and for what reason King Hugh
arrefted his brother Lambert and after blinding
him at his brother Boso’s suggestion gave this latter
his march . . . . . . . 135
XLVIII King Hugh receives King Rodulf’s pledge, and by
gifts secures King Henry’s friendship . . 137
XLIX Arnold, duke of the Bavarians, at the invitation
of Count Milo and Bishop Rather hastens into
Italy, while King Hugh advances quickly againSt
him 137
L Of the Bavarians killed by Hugh’s men . .137
LI Why Milo left Arnold and came to King Hugh . 138
LII Arnold storms the fortress of Verona and then
returns to Bavaria. Of the recovery of Verona by
King Hugh, of the imprisonment of Bishop Rather,
and of the witty book he wrote . . .138
I08
BOOK III
Ch. I. I do not doubt, reverend fatter, that the
title of this work causes you some surprise. You say
perhaps : “ Since it sets forth the deeds of illustrious
men, why is it called Antapodosis ( £ Tit-for-Tat
My answer is this : The aim and objedt of this work
is to reveal, declare and Stigmatize the doings of this
Berengar, who now is not king but rather despot of
Italy, and of his wife Willa, who because of her
boundless tyranny is rightly called a second Jezebel,
and because of her insatiate greed for plunder a Lamia
vampire. Such shafts of falsehood, such extravagance
of robbery, such efforts of wickedness have they
gratuitously used againSt me and my household, my
kinsmen and dependents, as neither tongue avails to
express nor pen to record. Let this present page then
be to them antapodosis, that is, repayment. In
return for the troubles I have endured I will unveil
to present and future generations their sacrilege
infdme, that is, the abominable impiety of which they
have been guilty. But my book will also be repayment
for the benefits conferred upon me by men of sandfity
and repute. Of all those whose deeds are recorded,
or are worth recording, in history, there are few or
none — except only this accursed Berengar of course —
for whose kindness the fathers and sons of my family
have not to render hearty thanks. Finally, that this
book has been written en captivite, that is, in my
captivity and sojourning abroad, my present exile
shows. I began it at Frankfort, a place twenty miles
109
Antapodosis
from Maintz, and I am pushing on with, it to-day in
the island of Paxo, nine hundred or more miles from
Constantinople. But let me return to my subject.
Ch. II. After the death of King Berengar and
during Rodulf ’s absence the mad rage of the Hungarians
under Salard’s leadership extended through all Italy.
Finally they surrounded the city of Pavia with earth-
works, and pitching their tents in a circle round the
town cut off all exit. The citizens, owing to their
paft sins, could not resist them in battle nor were they
able to appease them by gifts.
Ch. III.
Now Phoebus passing from the sign of rain
Had to the Zodiac’s entrance come again,
And Aeolus to melt the mountain snows
With all the fury of the March wind blows ;
When lo, the fierce Hungarians on him call
And fling their torches o’er the city wall.
The breezes spread the flames, nor are the foe
Content with that : on every side they go,
And as the townsfolk from the burning flee
They send them down to death in impious glee.
Our fair Pavia falls consumed in fire,
And Vulcan rising high in windy ire
Through all the city runs his deadly race
And grips our churches in his fierce embrace.
Children fall lifeless at their mothers’ sides,
And maids unwed who now shall ne’er be brides.
Even the novices, that sacred band,
Muft share the ruin of their native land,
And our good paftor dies in his dear town,
As Bishop John to all the people known.
The gold that we in cheats had stored away,
Left any ftrangers on it hands should lay,
Runs through the sewers, mixed with mud and
mire.
IIO
Tit-for-Tat
Our fair Pavia falls consumed in fire !
Bright silver bowls to molten metal turn ;
The very corpses in the graveyard burn ;
Jasper and topaz, beryls, sapphires bright.
Melt in the heat and vanish from men’s sight.
The merchants now for gold feel no desire.
Our fair Pavia falls consumed in fire !
Not e’en the Ticinus avails to save
The ships that ride upon its crystal wave ;
Their bilges blaze. And soon, ah woe the day !
Our fair Pavia in fire has passed away.
This happened in the year of Our Lord nine hundred
and twenty four and in the twelfth indidtion period,
at nine o’clock in the morning of the twelfth of March,
that being the sixth day of the week. I earnestly pray
all those who saw that conflagration, and all those
who read of it here, to give that disaster the honour
of pious remembrance.
Ch. IF. But the sword of the righteous and
almighty Lord, of whose judgments and mercy the
prophet sings together and whose mercy fills the world,
did not rage againft us to the end. For though Pavia
was burning in punishment for her sins, she was not
delivered over into the hands of her enemies. So the
words of the prophet king are fulfilled 1 : — “ Will the
Lord caSt off for ever ? And will He be favourable
no more ? Is His mercy clean gone for ever ? Doth
His promise fail for evermore ? Hath God forgotten
to be gracious ? Hath He in anger shut up his tender
mercies ? Selah.” And again another prophet says : a
“ In wrath remember mercy Therefore it was that
those of the people who survived the fire offered a
Stout resistance to the Hungarians and at the end
could sing joyfully with the prophet : — “ This is a
change wrought by the hand of the HigheSt
1 Psaltns lxxvii, 7. 2 Hahakkuk> iii, 2,
III
Antapodosis
Ch. V. A further help and assistance to us was the
intercession in glory of Saint Syrus, our holy father
and famous mafter, whose relics lie in the aforesaid
town. It was to fulfil his prophecy that the city of
Pavia was brought so near to falling and then was set
free by God’s mercy. Saint Hermagoras, a disciple
of Mark the evangelist, sent Syrus to preach the
gospel at Pavia, and the holy father, filled with the
spirit of prophecy, honoured her with the following
presage :
Ch. VI. “ Rejoice, O city of Pavia, and be glad,
for exultation shall come to thee from the mountains
without. Thou shalt be called not leaSt among thy
neighbouring cities but full of plenty.” In order that
this prophecy might win firmer credence, he that
same hour a n nounced the fall of the well known city
of Aquileia in these words : “ Woe to thee, Aquileia !
Thou shalt fall into the hands of impious men, and
thou shalt be destroyed, nor shalt thou be rebuilt and
rise again.” That these warnings were fulfilled the
plain evidence of our eyes shows. Aquileia, once a
great and wealthy city, was taken by Attila, the
impious king of the Huns, and completely demolished,
nor does there seem at present any chance of its
revival. Pavia, however, as the saint predicted, is
Still called and seen to be a land of plenty. Not only
does she surpass her neighbours in wealth but she
outshines cities far away. Why mention other places,
when glorious Rome herself, the beSt known city in
the world, would be inferior to Pavia if she did not
possess the precious relics of the blessed apoStles ? It
is plain therefore that Pavia was saved by the inter-
cession of our patron Saint Syrus who honoured her
with so true and precious a prediction. To conclude,
after burning Pavia and collecting much booty from
all Italy, the Hungarians returned to their own land.
1 12
Tit-for-Tat
Ch. VII. At this time, Adalbert marquess of Ivrea
being now dead, his wife Ermengarde, daughter of
Berta and Adalbert marquess of Tuscana, held the
chief authority in all Italy. The cause of her power,
shameful though it be even to mention it, was that
she carried on carnal commerce with everyone, prince
and commoner alike.
Ch. VIII. About the same time King Rodulf
returned from Burgundy to Italy and seized the
throne left vacant by Berengar’s death. Soon, how-
ever, all Italy was in a turmoil of strife. Ermengarde’s
beauty in this corruptible flesh roused the fiercest
jealousies among men ; for she would give to some the
favours she refused to others. In consequence, the
rich archbishop of Milan and some others supported
Rodulf, but Ermengarde had so many rebels on her
side that they ftoutly prevented the king from entering
Pavia, the chief city of the realm.
Ch. IX. So King Rodulf collected a force and
marched thither, pitching his camp a mile from the
town juft where the Ticinus and the mighty Po join.
Virgil sings the praises of that great river, calling him
“ Eridanus, king of rivers ” and “ the horned ruler of
Hesperia’s streams ”. Ermengarde thereupon with her
usual cunning sent the following letter by night across
the river to the king :
Ch. X. “ If I had wished your ruin, you would
have been crushed long ago. Were I but to give my
consent, all your men are eager to abandon you and
give me their enthusiastic support. You are in such
a position that you would have been taken prisoner
and put in chains long ago if I had agreed to their
proposals.” Not only did the king believe this message
but he was so frightened by it that he sent back an
envoy to say that he would do whatever she advised.
Then things moved quickly. The next night King
n 3
Antapodosis
Rodulf left his army, left his tent, left his bed unslept
in, and unseen by the guards stepped on board a boat
and hurried off to Ermengarde.
Ch. XI. So in the morning when the soldiers
walked round the king’s tent they found that all was
quiet inside. His captains arrived and were filled
with wonder why the king was sleeping at such a
ffcrange hour. As once the eunuchs tried to wake
Holophemes, so now they tried to wake him by
shouting : but he, like Holophernes, made no reply.
At la£fc they burft into the tent, only to find that there
was nothing there. Some cried that he had been
kidnapped, others that he had been murdered : no
one could possibly suppose that he had turned deserter.
As they wavered between surprise and doubt, news
came that Rodulf was on the point of attacking them
with their enemies. At this they were seized with
consternation and began to retreat with such speed
that, if you had seen them, you would have said they
were flying rather than running.
Ch. XII. When they reached safety in Milan
Archbishop Lampert with every one’s consent sent
a message to Hugh, the powerful and prudent count
of Provence, begging him to come to Italy, drive
Rodulf from the throne, and take the kingship him-
self. Hugh had for a long time been making frequent
experiments, to see if he could possibly win the Italian
throne. Indeed in the days of the aforesaid King
Berengar he had come into Italy with a large force.
But he had found that his time was not yet, and
Berengar had driven him off in rout.
Ch. XIII. Finally Rodulf, not being able owing to
the disloyalty of his supporters to overcome his
aforesaid enemies, went to Burgundy and proposed
to Bruchard duke of Swabia, whose daughter he had
married, that he should come to his help. Bruchard
ir 4
Tit-for-Tat
immediately collected his forces and set out for Italy
with Rodulf ; and on their arrival at Ivrea he addressed
him thus :
Ch. XIV. “ It seems not unsuitable that I myself
should go to Milan under pretext of an embassy. I
shall thus have the opportunity to reconnoitre the
town, and find out the people’s inclinations.” He
accordingly set out, and on his arrival at Milan, before
entering the city, turned aside to pray in the church
of the precious saint and martyr Laurence. His real
objedt, people say, was not to offer up petitions but
something quite different. As the church is near the
city and built of wonderfully coftly materials, it is
said that he meant to mate a stronghold of it and had
determined to shut up within its walls not only the
chief men of Milan but many of the Italian princes.
As he was coming out and was riding near the city
walls, he addressed his men in their own, that is,
in the German language, thus : “ If I do not make all
the Italians use one spur instead of two and spoil the
look of the mares they ride, my name is not Bruchard.
As for the Strength and height of these walls, in whose
protection they truSt, I snap my fingers at them. By
one thruSt of my spear I will fling my enemies dead
from the rampart.” He said this because he thought
that none of his enemies there knew the German
language. But unfortunately for him there was a man
there, a humble fellow in rags, who was acquainted
with that tongue ; and he immediately informed
Archbishop Lampert of what he had heard. The
latter, who was a man of shrewd wit, concealed his
suspicions and evil intentions from Bruchard and gave
him a very honourable reception ; among other things
allowing him, as a special privilege, to hunt the ftag
in his private park, a favour which he never granted
to any but his greatest and dearedt friends. Meanwhile,
”5
Antapodosis
however, he invited all the princes of Pavia and
some of the Italians as well to come and put Bruchard
to death. Then he kept him at Milan until he
thought that all those who were to kill him had
assembled.
Cb. XV. Accordingly Bruchard at laft left Milan
and the same day reached Novara. He flayed there
the night and arose at dawn to proceed to Ivrea,
when suddenly the hofts of Italy appeared and fell
upon him. He did not hasten to attack them, as a
man of valour should, but attempted to escape. And
since, according to the words of Saint Job, his destined
end could not be avoided, and a horse is a treacherous
safeguard, his mount fell into the ditch that surrounded
the city walls and flung him to earth. The Italians
at once rushed upon him and ftabbed him to death
with their spears. His followers, seeing this and
having no other means of escape, took refuge in the
church of Saint Gaudentius confessor of Chrift ; but
the Italians filled with rage and indignation at
Bruchard’s threats, broke down the church doors
and killed everyone they found there even at the
altar.
Ch. XVI. When Rodulf heard of this he left Italy
and made his way in hot hafte to Burgundy. Mean-
while Hugh, count of Arles and Provence, had taken
ship and was hastening across the Gulf of Lyons to
Italy. God, who wished him to be king of Italy, sent
him favourable winds and soon brought him to
Alphea, that is, to Pisa, the chief town of the province
of Tuscany, of which Virgil sings — “ Pisa of Alphean
origin ”.
Ch. XVII. On his arrival he was met by an envoy
from John of Ravenna, Pope of Rome. Envoys from
almoft all the Italians were also there who invited him
earnestly to reign over them. As he had for a long
ir6
Tit-for-Tat
time desired this, he went in haste to Pavia and there
was unanimously called to the throne. Soon after-
wards he went to Mantua, where Pope John met him
and concluded a treaty of alliance.
Cb. XV 111. At this time Berta, mother of King
Hugh, died, and her son Wido by Adalbert, who had
married the Roman harlot Marozia, took possession
of the march of Tuscany.
Cb. XIX. King Hugh was a man of no less learning
than boldness, as Strong in courage as he was in cunning,
a worshipper of God and a lover of those who loved
our holy religion, anxious in relieving the needs of the
poor and solicitous for the welfare of the church :
clerics and scholars he not only loved but treated with
signal respeft. But all these high qualities were
marred by the way he yielded to the allurements of
women.
Cb. XX. He had married a princess named Alda, a
German Frank by descent, who had borne him a son
called Lothair. He had also had at that time by a
noble lady called Wandelmoda a son Hubert, who is
Still alive and is known as a powerful prince in the
province of Tuscany. Of Hubert’s exploits we will
speak, with God’s favour, in the proper place.
Cb. XXI. When Hugh had thus been made king,
being a prudent man he sent envoys all over the world
to seek the friendship of kings and princes. He did
this to many, but he was especially anxious to win the
support of the famous King Henry, who, as we said
above, was then ruling over the Bavarians, the Swab-
ians, the Lotharingians, the Franks and the Saxons.
He had also subdued the countless Slav tribes and
made them tributary. Moreover he was the firft king
to subjugate the Danes and make them his vassals.
As the result of all this his fame had spread among
many nations.
117
Antapodosis
Ch. XXII. While King Hugh was thus seeking the
friendship of the neighbouring kings and princes, he
was also anxious to make his name known to the
Greeks in distant lands. At that time they were
ruled by the Emperor Romanos, a man well worthy of
praise and remembrance, generous, courteous, wise and
pious. To Romanos Hugh sent my father as envoy,
choosing him because of his upright character and
powers of witty speech.
Ch . XXIII. On my father’s arrival, among the other
gifts that King Hugh had sent for the Emperor
Romanos he led forward two dogs, of a breed that
had never been seen before in that country. As soon
as they appeared before the emperor they became
furious and would have bitten him severely if they
had not been restrained by force. I imagine that
when they saw his Strange dress and the Greek hood
that covered his face they thought he was a monSter
not a man.
Ch. XXIV. My father was received by the emperor
with signal marks of honour. And this was not so
much due to the novelty of his arrival nor the splendour
of the gifts he brought, but rather to the fadt that on
his arrival at Salonica some of the Slavs, who were in
revolt againSt Romanos and were plundering the
diSlridf, made an attack upon him. By God’s grace
many of them were killed and two of their chiefs
were taken alive in the fighting. When my father
brought his prisoners into the emperor’s presence,
Romanos was excessively pleased and gave him a
handsome present, so that he returned to his master
King Hugh rejoicing. A few days after his return,
however, he was taken ill and went into a monastery,
where a fortnight after assuming the monastic dress
he died and passed away to the Lord, leaving me, a
young child, behind him.
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Tit-for-Tat
But since I have mentioned the Emperor Romanos,
it seems not out of place to insert here an account of
his origin and how he made his way to the imperial
dignity.
Ch. XXV. In the reign of Leo father of the
present Constantine, the Emperor Romanos, although
he was pauvre , that is, poor, was regarded by everyone
as un bomme utile, that is, as a useful fellow. He was
then an ordinary sailor in the emperor’s pay serving
with the fleet. On several occasions en bataille , that
is, in battle he rendered services that were ires utiles ,
that is, very useful ; and finally as a reward his superior
officer donna lui le rang de capitaine, that is, gave him
the rank of captain. One night he went out to
reconnoitre the Saracens’ position and came to a
place where there was a marsh and a thick bed of
reeds. At that moment it happened that a fierce
lion leaped out from the rushes, and driving a herd
of deer into the marsh, seized one of them and pro-
ceeded to satisfy on it his ravenous hunger. Romanos ,
entendant le vacarme , etait trds effrayS , when Romanos
heard the noise he was very frightened ; for he thought
it was a band of Saracens who had sighted him and
meant to kill him in an ambush. So the next day he
got up tris matinal, that is very early in the morning,
and upon examining the ground discovered the lion’s
footprints and realized sur le champ, that is, immedi-
ately what had happened. As the lion was Atill
lurking in the reeds Romanos ordered his men to set
them alight with Greek fire, which can only be
extinguished by acid. Now in the middle of the reeds
there was a raised piece of ground thickly overgrown
where the lion took refuge and escaped the flames ;
for the wind, blowing In the opposite direction,
prevented the fire from reaching that spot. When the
flames had gone out, Romanos accompanied by a single
119
Antapodosis
attendant and carrying only a sword in one hand and
a cloak in the other went over all the ground and
searched it thoroughly to see if he could find the
lion’s bones or any other sign of him. He could not
find anything and was on the point of returning when
he was taken with a fancy to investigate why the
hillock had so Strangely escaped being burned. So the
two men sat down close to it and were talking about
something or other when the lion heard them : he
could not see them, since his eyes were blinded par
la fumde, that is, by the smoke. Therefore, wishing
to assuage on them the furious anger which the fire
had kindled in his breaSt, the monSter crept to the
place where he heard voices and with a swift leap
landed between them. The servant was panic Sticken,
but not so Romanos. Determining that “ though the
whole world in ruin fall, the crash should Strike him
undismayed he flung the cloak he was carrying
in his hand between the lion’s fore paws. While the
beaSt was tearing at the Stuff as though it were a man,
Romanos got behind him and using all his Strength
thruSt his sword right through the place where his
buttocks joined. As his legs were thus severed and
separated one from the other, the lion could not Stand
and fell in a heap. After having thus killed the lion
Romanos looked round for his servant, and seeing him
lying some way off half-dead on the ground raised his
voice and called loudly to him. The fellow made no
reply, and so Romanos went to him and kicking him
with his foot cried, “ LUve-toi, pauvre miserable ; n’aie
pas peur ”, that is, ££ Get up, you poor miserable, and
don’t be afraid At that the servant got up ; but
when he saw the monStrous bulk of the lion he could
scarcely breathe for admiration. Indeed tout le monde
merveilla au fait de Romanos , that is, every one was
1 Horace, Odes> III, iii, 7.
120
Tit-for-Tat
astonished when they heard of Romanos’ exploit. And
so not long afterwards, as a reward for this glorious
deed and for his other services, the emperor gave him
the rani of admiral and ordered that tons les bateaux,
that is, all the ships should be under his control and
obey his orders.
Ch. XXVI. Finally Leo, the moSt pious emperor of
the Greeks, of whom we have made mention above,
paid the debt of mortal life, and trod the path of
all human flesh, leaving as his heirs his brother Alex-
ander and his only son Constantine, who is Still alive
and happily reigning, he being then an infant ne
pouvant pas parler, that is, not able to talk. As
guardians of the palace and his private eState he
appointed, as is the custom there, the eunuch who held
the office of High Chamberlain and Focas commander
in chief of the land forces. To Romanos, who was not
a man of high birth but was of signal courage, he gave
the poSt of Lord High Admiral of the fleet. Alexander
died soon after his brother and left the little ConStan-
tine sole emperor. Now when the great emperor
Leo departed from this life to go to ChriSt, the
aforesaid Focas, commander-in-chief of the land forces,
had led an army againSt Simeon king of the Bulgarians
and by force of arms prevented his projected advance
on Constantinople. Romanos, for his part, being a
man of some shrewdness, when he heard of the death
of the two emperors Leo and Alexander, got together
a body of men from the fleet and collecting his ships
made his way to a little island near Constantinople,
almoSt within sight of the imperial palace. He
himself, however, never crossed the water and refrained
from paying the cuStomary homage to the little
emperor who had been born in the purple. This condudt
of his caused no small dismay and alarm to the eunuch
chamberlain and all the chief men in Constantinople.
121
Antapodosis
They therefore sent messengers and enquired the
reason of his Grange adtion, asking why he did not
pay a visit to the monarch and render him the homage
that was his due. Romanos replied that he had
avoided the palace because he feared for his own life ;
and he added that if the chamberlain and the other
lords did not come to see him and guarantee him his
life and position, he would very soon join the king of
the Saracens in Crete, and would help him with all
his might to subdue the Greek realm. How cunningly
this was said the issue will declare. Well, as we have
mentioned, the terrified princes, little guessing that
a snake was lurking for them in the grass, came in all
confidence to see him, anxious and willing to do all
that he wanted. But Romanos, following out his
clever plan, as soon as they arrived, had them bound
and Slowed away in the hold, while he himself, free
now from all apprehension, hastened with a numerous
band of followers to the city. He there purged the
palace of all whom he suspedfed to be againft bim and
put his own partizans in their place. Governor,
superintendents, patricians, accountants, head-Sleward,
lord of the chamber, chamberlains, kni ghts of the
sword of all three classes, and sea-lord were now every-
one creatures of his own appointment. Finally, to
secure the success of his plans completely, he won the
affedHons of Zoe, the little emperor’s mother, and was
admitted to her intimate favours. All the city was
crowned with garlands, and Romanos everywhere was
hailed as “ Father of the emperor ”.
Ch. XXVII. General Focas, who himself ardently
desired to have that title, heard of what Romanos
had done when he was fighting against the Bulgarians
and on the point of triumphing over the enemy. So
dismayed and indignant was he at the news that he
flung down the ftandard of victory, abandoned his
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pursuit of the foe, and retiring himself from the field
compelled his men to do the same. The Bulgarians,
cheered on by Simeon, plucked up courage, and soon
were successfully attacking the very army from which
juft now they had fled in rout. The carnage among
the Greeks was prodigious ; so prodigious indeed that
many years later the battle field ftfll seemed full of
bones.
Cb. XXVIII. The aforesaid General Focas then
returned in all hafte to Constantinople, meaning to
break his way into the palace and become “ Father of
the Emperor ” by force and not by fraud. But as
Horace says 1 : —
“ Brute force devoid of wisdom falls
By its own weight : but if we blend
Vigour with wisdom, heaven calls
Our strength to some great end.”
And so it was that the general was taken prisoner by
Romanos and had both his eyes put out. The
Bulgarians for their part gained a great increase in
strength, and they repaid the Greeks two-fold by
ravaging their country.
Cb. XXIX. According to common report their king
Simeon was un demi-Grec, that is, half a Greek, and
in his boyhood was taught at Byzantium the rhetoric
of Demofthenes and the logic of Ariftotle. Later on,
people say, he abandoned his literary studies and
assumed the dress of a monk. But he soon left the
calm retreat of a monastery for the ftorms of this
world, and beguiled by desire of kingship preferred to
follow in the footfteps of the apoftate Julian rather
than in those of Saint Peter, the holy keeper of the
keys of heaven. He had two sons, one called Bojan,
the other Peter, this latter being ftill alive and now
ruling over the Bulgarians. It is said that Bojan was
1 Horace, Odes , III, iv, 65.
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Antapodosis
such, an adept in the art of magic that he could
suddenly turn himself before men’s eyes into a wolf
or any other beaSt you pleased.
Ch. XXX. The same year that Romanos gained
the title “ Father of the Emperor ”, he married
his daughter Helena to his master, the little Emperor
Constantine Porphyrogenitus. This latter name
means, as I have said before, not “ born in the purple ”,
but born in the Porphyra palace. And since the topic
has come up, it may not be out of place to set forth
again what I have heard about the birth of this
Porphyrogenitus. You will find the previous passage
in the firSt book of this hiStory, from the sixth to the
tenth chapter.
Ch. XXXI. The auguSt Emperor ConStantine, from
whom the city of Constantinople gets its name,
ordered ce palais , this palace, to be built and called it
Porphyra. His intention was that the successive
rulers of his noble should here fxrSt see the light of day,
and that all the offspring of his line should be called
by the glorious title of Porphyrogenitus. Some people
therefore say that our ConStantine, son of the
Emperor Leo, is his descendant. But la verity de
son naissance, that is, the truth about his birth is as
follows.
Ch. XXXII. The auguSt Emperor Basil, the present
emperor’s grandfather, was born of a humble family
in Macedonia and under the compelling yoke of
poverty came to Constantinople where he took service
with a certain abb&, that is, abbot. The then emperor,
Michael, went to the monastery, where he was serving,
to offer up prayer, and seeing that he was exceptionally
comely called the abbe and asked him to give him the
lad. He then took him to the palace and made him
his chamberlain ; and in a little time he became so
powerful that everyone called him the second emperor.
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Tit-for-Tat
Almighty God is ever juft, even when He visits
His servants with a heavy hand. He did not allow the
emperor to keep sane all his life ; but His purpose was
that the mercy of His kindness above might equal the
severity of His punishment below. We are told that
Michael in his mad fits frequently sent off his dearest
friends to be beheaded. But when he returned to
his senses he would ask for them again, and unless the
condemned men were forthcoming their executioners
were themselves put to death. His servants accor-
dingly became alarmed, and when he ordered an
execution they did not put it into effeCt. This
happened several times to Basil, and finally, his
partizans gave him — O shame ! — this advice : — “ The
king’s mad order may some day be carried out design-
edly, if he gives it to your enemies and not to your
friends. You had better kill him firft and take the
imperial sceptre Under the compulsion of fear,
and beguiled by desire of rule, Basil carried out this
suggestion at once. Michael was murdered and Basil
became emperor.
Ch. XXXIII. A short time afterwards Our Lord
Jesus Chrift appeared to him in a vision, holding the
hand of his former mafter, the emperor, whom he had
murdered, and addressed him thus : “ Basil, why did
you kill your master here, the emperor Michael ? ”
When he awoke he realized that he had been guilty of
a heinous crime, and collecting his thoughts began to
consider what he should do.
Ch. XXXIV. Accordingly, comforted by Our Lord’s
acceptable promise of salvation, given by the mouth of
His prophet, that on the day when the wicked man.
turneth from his wickedness he shall be saved, he made
confession with tears and groans, and acknowledged
himself a sinner, the shedder of innocent blood. He
also followed good advice and made friends to himself
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Antapodosis
of the mammon of unrighteousness, helping them here
with temporal subsidies that their prayers might
release him later from the everlasting fires of hell.
Moreover he built near the palace a wonderful and
coStly church facing eastwards in honour of the
archangel Michael, whom the Greeks call general of
the hoSfcs of heaven. The church itself is called by
some people Id nouvelle eglise, that is, the new church ;
by others Id neuj , because the clock that marks the
office hours always strikes nine.
Ch. XXXV. Now in the second year after Romanos
received the title of u Father of the Emperor”, he
called the princes to him and addressed them thus :
“ Princes of the Roman State, since on your advice I
have received the title of * Father of the Emperor
and furthermore share in the loyalty due to our holy
emperor by reason of his marriage to my daughter
Helen des yeux verts , that is, of the green eyes, I think
it only right that I should show upon my person some
outward mark of my imperial rank and wear some
article of dress that would be to all men a sign of my
position”. Accordingly the people decided and it
was unanimously decreed that since he was a person
of such distinction and by marriage had set on the
throne his daughter Helen des brds blanches, that is,
of the white arms, he should wear the red leather
shoes which are there reserved for the emperor. But
even that did not satisfy him. After a year had
elapsed and his power had become more assured, he
addressed the princes again as follows : “ Since it
has been decided by your unanimous verdidt that I
should wear the imperial shoes, I thank you, tres
nobles heros, that is, moSt noble heroes, for your good
will and authority. It seems to me that this is un
don precieux, that is, a precious gift ; but on careful
consideration I also think that when I walk abroad I
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Tit-for-Tat
look like an adtor or mime, who paints himself in gay
colours to raise an easy laugh from the crowd. Indeed
I make myself as well as other people smile, for I seem
to wear shoes of the imperial pattern and a head dress
like that of the common people. ‘ Could there be
better farce than this or mime more humorous ? n
Therefore, either give me the crown or else take away
the imperial shoes which make me a common laughing
Stock ”.
This was plain enough, and his words were backed
up by the irresistible power of his position. Accor-
dingly by universal consent he was given the crown
without having to forfeit the diftinftion of the
shoes. Let no one wonder at his wisdom, but let him
from the depth of his heart give praise to God, who
lifteth up the oppressed and looseth the prisoners, in
whose hand is a cup, and the wine is red ; it is full
of mixture ; and from this to that he poureth out of
the same.
Ch. XXXVI. Romanos was of humble origin, an
Armenian by birth, and had never thought that he
would be admitted to the royal court, much less hold
the imperial sceptre. But what says the prophet
Hannah ? a “ The Lord maketh poor and maketh
rich : he bringeth low and lifteth up. He raiseth
up the poor out of the duSt and lifteth up the beggar
from the the dunghill, to set them among princes and
to make them inherit the throne of glory : for the
pillars of the earth are the Lord’s.” Therefore to
the one God, immortal and invisible, be honour and
glory world without end. Amen.
Ch. XXXVII. When Romanos finally became
emperor, he made his son Christopher, who had been
born before his accession, joint ruler with himself ;
and after he had taken control of the empire his wife
1 Juvenal, v, 157. * 1 Samuel, ii, 7.
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Antapodosis
bore him a second son named Stephen. Later on she
conceived a third time and bore a son who was called
Constantine. All these sons Romanos made emperors
contrary to human and divine law, and gave his firSt
born Christopher precedence over his rightful maSter,
the emperor ConStantine Porphyrogenitus. This he
did openly, and when they walked en procession, that
is, in public procession to Santa Sophia, or at the palace
of Blachernai, or at the feaSt of the Holy ApoStles,
Romanos with his firSt born Christopher went in
front, ConStantine Porphyrogenitus and his other two
sons followed behind. With what wrath the JuSt
Judge visited this conduit His subsequent vengeance
will show ; for soon afterwards Christopher died. And
so ConStantine Porphyrogenitus commended himself
altogether to the Lord’s care and spending his
leisure in prayer and reading gained a livelihood by
the work of his hands. He certainly was a skilful
artiSt, and ses tableaux , that is, his paintings were very
fine.
Ch. XXXV Ul. At this same period Simeon of
Bulgaria began to press the Greeks very hard. Accor-
dingly Romanos arranged a marriage between the
daughter of his son Christopher and Simeon’s son
Peter, who is Still alive. He thus checked the fierce
attacks that Simeon had begun and allied him to
himself by a treaty of friendship. As a result the
bride changed her name to Irene, which means peace ;
because by her agency peace was firmly established
between the Bulgarians and the Greeks.
Ch. XXXIX. At this period Walpert and Everard
Gezo were men of great influence in Pavia and a£ted
as judges there. The reason of Walpert’s power was
that he had made his son Peter bishop of the rich
diocese of Como, and had married his daughter Roza
to Gilbert, count of the palace. At that time however
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Tit-for-Tat
both Peter and Gilbert were dead. The people of
Pavia were in the habit of coming to him, and arguing
all their disputes and law cases in his presence. The
aforesaid Everard Gezo had a share of bis power, as he
was united to him by ties of marriage, and was regarded
as a man of weight. Gezo however disgraced his
high position by his infamous conduct. He was
over-ambitious, greedy, envious, seditious, a cor-
rupter of law, and careless of God’s precepts : and
these ways God did not allow to go unpunished. Not
to make too long a ftory, Gezo was in all respedts like
Catiline, and as the Roman tried to murder Marcus
Tullius Cicero, the consul and defender of the Hate,
so Gezo plotted to bring King Hugh to death. One
day, when Hugh, suspedting no danger, was flaying at
Pavia with a few attendants, Gezo planned to raise
a revolt and fall upon him. Walpert, however, was
not of such a violent disposition, and by his intervention
the attempt was postponed.
Ch. XL. Still, even these men were checked in
their wild schemes by the honeyed blandishments of
King Hugh’s eloquence. When he was told that a
revolt was brewing and that the conspirators were
gathered at Walpert’s house, he sent envoys to them
and addressed them in this language : — “ Why, my
brave comrades, are you so ftrangely wrath with your
liege lord and king ? If anything has been done that
displeases you, there is time to put it right. Even a
late reformation will put an end to censure, especially
when the delay has not been caused by wilful in-
difference ”. This message considerably appeased
their anger, and Gezo was left in a minority of one.
He Hill persisted in his naughtiness, and did his bell
to get the others to fall upon the king and put him
to a shameful death. But by the dispensation of
God, his evil purpose was not carried into effedt. The
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Antapodosis
messengers accordingly returned to the king and told
him all that they had seen and heard.
Ch. XLI. King Hugh then craftily pretended, to
regard all this as of no importance, and leaving
Pavia hastened to a spot some considerable distance
away, where by means of messengers and letters he
bade his vassals assemble. Among those who came
to him was the powerful count Samson, Gezo’s bitter
enemy. When Samson saw the king he addressed
h im thus “ I have noticed that you are disturbed
by the disloyal plot that recently was hatched againft
you in Pavia. If you listen to me and take my advice,
the rebels will be caught in their own snare. It
would not be easy to find a man who can suggest, a
better plan than mine, and I am sure that none will
be more advantageous to yourself personally. But
there is one thing I ask for. When by my help you
have caught the gang, give Gezo with all his goods and
chattels into my hands ”. On the king consenting
to this, he added : — “ Leo Bishop of Pavia is known
to be no friend to Walpert and Gezo, and they oppose
bim in every way they can. You know that it is the
custom when the king is on his way to Pavia for the
more important citizens to meet him outside the city.
Tell the bishop secretly that you are coming to Pavia
on a date that you will fix, and inftrudt him to have all
the city gates locked after these fellows have come
outside to meet you, and to keep the keys under his
own charge. Then, when We begin to arreft them,
they will not be able to escape back to the city nor
have any help to hope for from the city ”. This
plan was put into effedt. The king came to Pavia at
the fixed time, the conspirators came out to meet
him, and the bishop gladly carried out his inftrudtions.
The king gave orders for them all to be arrested, as
he had been advised, and Gezo was handed over to
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Tit-for-Tat
Samson, who put out both his eyes and cut off the
tongue which had spoken blasphemy againft the king.
How happy would it have been if Gezo, besides being
blinded, had been rendered dumb for all time ! But,
shame upon it ! though his tongue was cut off he did
not lose the power of speech ; and the loss of his
eyes, according to the Greek ftory, actually prolonged
his life, so that up till to-day he has been a constant
source of mischief and calamity.
A merry ftory in the frivolous Greek fashion, giving
the reason why blind men are long lived, may be
inserted here. It runs as follows. “ Zeus et Hera se
disputerent au sujet de V amour, four savoir si c’etait
Vhomme ou la femme qui eprouve le plus grand plaisir a
la cdpulation. Ils poser ent alors la question a. T iresias,
f>ls d’ Ebros. Celui-ci avait deja pris successivement
les deux sexes, apres qu’il avait Joule un serpent aux
pieds. II prononce alors contre Hera, et celle~ci en
colere le rendit avengle. Mais Zeus lui accorda de
vivre pendant de longues annees et que tout ce qu’il
dirait serait de vraies propheties .” The translation is
this. “ Zeus and Hera argued about love, whether
it was the man or the woman who got the greater
pleasure from coition. They put the question to
Tiresias, son of Ebros ; for he, after treading on a
snake, had been changed from one sex to the other.
He pronounced against Hera, and the goddess in anger
made him blind. But Zeus gave him long life and
the power of prophecy for ever.”
But let us return to our subject. Gezo, as we have
said, was mutilated in body and deprived of all his
possessions. Mo£t of his confederates were handed
over to guards and put in prison. Walpert the next
day was beheaded and his immense treasures seized.
Cristina his wife was arrested and cruelly tortured to
make her reveal his hidden wealth. From that day
* 3 *
Antapodosis
not only in Pavia but in all parts of Italy men’s fear
of the king increased, and Hugh was not treated as a
nonentity, as other kings had been, but was honoured
in every possible way.
Ch. XLII. At this same time Ildoin, bishop of
Liittich, being expelled from his own see, came into
Italy to King Hugh, with whom he was connected by
ties of marriage. Hugh received him with all honour,
and gave him the bishopric of Verona to supply his
personal needs. Soon afterwards it happened that
Archbishop Lambert died, and Ildoin was ordained in
his place as bishop of Milan. With the aforesaid
Ildoin there had come a certain monk named Rather,
who because of his piety and his knowledge of the
seven liberal arts was made bishop of Verona, of which
town Milo, whom we have mentioned above, was then
count.
Ch. XLIII. Meanwhile Wido, marquess of the
province of Tuscany, together with his wife Marozia,
began to plot vigorously to secure the expulsion of
Pope John. This he did owing to the ill feeling that
he bore to the Pope’s brother Peter ; for as for the
Pope himself he honoured him as though he had been
his own brother. So it happened that while Peter
was Staying at Rome Wido had a large number of
soldiers secretly assembled there. One day, when the
Pope and his brother and a few friends were in the
Lateran Palace, Wido’s and Marozia’s men rushed in
upon them and killed Peter before his brother’s eyes.
They then arreSted the Pope and put him into prison,
where soon afterwards he died. It is said that they
put a pillow over his mouth, and cruelly suffocated
him. On his death they appointed as Pope Marozia’s
own son John, whom the harlot had had by Pope
Sergius. Not long after these events Wido died, and
his brother Lambert was appointed to his offices.
r 3 2
Tit-for-Tat
Ch. XLIV. Marozia, who was a fairly shameless
harlot, after the death of her husband WidoT sent
envoys to King Hugh, inviting him to come to' her
and take the famous city of Rome for himself. But
this, she declared, could only be done if Hugh married
her.
Why, why, Marozia, yield to Love’s fierce fire ?
Why kisses from your husband’s kin desire ?
Like proud Herodias would you know the bed
Of brothers twain and by them both be led
In wedlock home ? Methinks you have forgot
The words of John the Bap tiff — “ Marry not
Your brother’s wife, and put her from you now
The laws of Moses do not this allow.
Marriage with brothers they permit indeed,
But only when ’tis done to raise up seed
For one who had no children ere he died ;
And all men know you as a fruitful bride
Who to your lord bore offspring. You will say —
“ Our lady Venus drunken with love’s play
Cares not for things like these ’Tis all too true ;
And like an ox to sacrifice King Hugh
Came at your summons, hoping to obtain
Rome for himself and as her lord remain.
O wicked wench, why seek you thus to bring
Ruin and trouble on a righteous king ?
Shall crime make you a queen ? Nay, God’s decree
Ordains that you from Rome shall driven be.
That this is correct all created things, rational and
irrational alike, can now perceive.
Ch. XLV. At the entrance to the city of Rome
there is a fort, wonderfully constructed and wonder-
fully strong. At its gates is the moSt important of
all the bridges over the Tiber, which every one muSt
cross in entering or leaving Rome, there being no
133
Antapodosis
other way out. But passage is only possible by leave
of those who hold the fort. The fort itself, to orn.it
further details, is so high that the church upon its
summit, built in. honour of the glorious archangel
Michael, chief of the heavenly holt, as called “ the
church of the holy angel in the skies ”. Relying on
the Strength of this fort the king left his troops at
some distance and came to Rome with only a few
attendants. There he was received with all respedt
by the Romans, but he turned aside from them to
the bed of the harlot Marozia in the aforesaid caStle,
and at his ease in her impure embrace began to regard
the citizens with scorn. Now Marozia had a son
named Alberic, whom she had borne to the marquess
Alberic. One day, when this youth was pouring out
water at his mother’s bidding for his Stepfather Hugh
to wash his hands, the king hit him in the face as a
chaSlisement for not pouring the water in a modeSt
and respedtful fashion. Alberic determined to avenge
this insult, and getting the Romans together addressed
to them the following harangue : — “ The majeSty of
Rome has sunk to such depths of folly that now she
obeys the orders of harlots. Could there be anything
viler or more disgraceful than that the city of Rome
should be brought to ruin by the impurities of one
woman, and that those who were once our slaves, the
Burgundians I mean, should now be our masters ?
If he hit me, his Sbepson, in the face when he had but
juSt come here as our gueSfc, what do you suppose he
will do to you when he has taken root in the city ?
Are you ignorant of the Burgundians’ greed and
pride ? Consider the very derivation of their name.
When the Romans conquered the world they took
many of these people captive and bade them build
themselves houses outside Rome ; from which houses
they were soon afterwards forced to expel them as a
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Tit-for-Tat
punishment for their insolence. We are told, there-
fore, that as in their language a gathering of houses
not protected by a wall is called a burgh, these folk
were named by the Romans 4 Burgundians’, that is,
people expelled from their burgh. If we prefer the
name that nature gave them, they are Gauls of the
Allobroges tribe. But I would rather truft my own
sagacite, that is, intelligence ; and I say that ‘ Burgun-
dian ’ is another form of ‘ Gurgulian’, and that they are
so called either from their arrogant and guttural speech,
or, more probably, from the way in which they use their
gullets to indulge their greed ”. As soon as they heard
this, all the Romans without hesitation deserted King
Hugh and elected Alberic as their liege lord. Then,
to prevent Hugh having any time to bring in his
soldiers, they began at once to besiege the fort.
Ch. XLVI. It is plain that all this was part of
God’s dispensation and that it was His will that Hugh
should not under any circumstances hold what he had
attempted to win so foully by crime. The king,
indeed, was so alarmed that he let himself down by a
rope on the side where the fort touched the city wall,
and deserting his lady made his escape back to his
own men. King Hugh and the aforesaid Marozia
being thus expelled, Alberic became sole ruler of
Rome, while his brother John ascended the papal
throne, the supreme and universal.
Ch. XLVII. Some people say that Berta, King
Hugo’s mother, never herself bore a son to her husband
the marquess Adalbert but that she foifted Wido and
Lambert off upon him, pretending to be with child
and procuring the infants secretly from other women.
Her purpose, they declare, was to have sons by her
side after Adalbert’s death, and by their aid to get
possession of all her husband’s offices. It seems to me
however that this tale is a lie invented by King Hugh
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Antapodosis
to cloak his own vices and to escape from le scandale,
that is, the scandal caused bp his improper conduit.
An even more probable reason, I think, why the tale
was put about is afforded bp the circumstances I have
now to relate. Lambert, who after his brother Wido’s
death took control of the march of Tuscanp, was a man
of warlike spirit ready for every sort of enterprise.
King Hugh suspended him of designs on the throne of
Italy, and was very much afraid that the Italians
would desert him and make Lambert king. Boso for
his part, being King Hugh’s brother by the same
father, was very anxious himself to become marquess
of Tuscany, and was lying in wait, ready to entrap
Lambert. Accordingly on Boso’s advice King Hugh
sent a threatening message to Lambert, warning him
not to call himself his brother any longer. To that
Lambert, who was of a proud and undisciplined
temper, instead of replying modeftly, as he should
have done, returned the following violent answer : —
“ The king cannot possibly deny that I am his brother
and that we both came to life by the same passage
and from the same body. This truth I desire to
prove by the ordeal of single combat in the sight of
all men ”. The king, hearing this, chose a certain
youth named Teudin, who challenged Lambert to
a duel on this score. But God is juft and of righteous
judgment, in Him there is no iniquity. To put a
flop to any doubt and to reveal the truth to all He
decreed that Teudin should be overcome immedi-
ately, and Lambert gain the victory. At this result
King Hugh was greatly disturbed, but following his
counsellor’s advice he took Lambert and put him in
prison, fearing, if he let him go, that he would rob
him of the throne. He then handed over the march
of Tuscany to his brother Boso, and soon afterwards
put out Lambert’s eyes.
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Tit-for-Tat
Ch. XLVIII. At this time the Italians sent to
Burgundy asking Rodulf to come to them. King
Hugh learned this and himself sent envoys offering
Rodulf all the territory in Gaul which he himself had
held before he ascended the Italian throne. Rodulf
then gave him his oath that he would never come into
Italy. Hugh also won the friendship of the valiant
King Henry, whom we have mentioned before, by
the gift of many presents, Henry being at that time
very famous in Italy since he had subdued the Danes
unaided and made them tributary, although they had
never before been conquered. They are a wild people
living on the shores of the northern ocean and their
savage attacks have often brought sorrow to the
nobility of many lands. At times they have come up
the Rhine with their fleets, and have laid whole
diffcridts wafte with fire and sword. Once they actually
ftormed the noble cities of Agrippina, now called
Cologne, and Treves, which is some way off the Rhine,
together with other towns in Lothair’s realm. From
them they carried off everything, and what they
could not take they burned, even setting fire to the
public baths and palaces at Aachen. But we mud
leave these matters and return to the order of our
narrative.
Ch. XLIX. Arnold, duke of the Bavarians and
Carentanians, whom we have mentioned above, being
not far from Italy, got an army together and marched
down to drive Hugh from the throne. He made his
way through the march of Trient, the firft in that part
of Italy, and arrived at Verona. There he was gladly
welcomed by Count Milo and Bishop Rather, who had
invited him to come. King Hugh hearing of this
collected his troops and advanced against him.
Ch. L. On approaching Verona Hugh sent his
chevaliers, as the people call them, to scour the
r 37
Antapodosis
country, and a battle ensued between them and a
large force of Bavarians from the caffle of Gossolengo.
The Bavarians were completely routed and scarcely
a man escaped to tell the news. At this Duke Arnold
was greatly disturbed and on the advice of his counsel-
lors determined to leave Italy and take Count Milo
back with him to Bavaria, so that when he had recruited
a fresh army he might return again in his company.
Ch. LI. Milo was aware of his intention, and
diftradted by conflicting thoughts was quite at a loss
to know what he should do. His pat conduct made
him afraid to approach King Hugh, while he considered
that to be taken off by Arnold to Bavaria was worse
than death and as bad as hell fire. In this uncertainty,
since he knew that Hugh was easily moved to compas-
sion, he decided to escape from Arnold and make his
way to the king. Arnold for his part returned with
all possible speed to Bavaria.
Ch. LII. Before he went, however, he tormed the
catle of Verona and took back to Bavaria with him
Milo’s brother and the soldiers who had tried to defend
the place. On his departure the city was handed back
to King Hugh, and Bishop Rather, being taken prisoner
was sent into exile at Pavia. There he wrote a book
describing in witty and elegant language the sorrows
of his banishment. Those who read his narrative will
find in it many polished thoughts suggested by that
occasion, which will afford them as much pleasure as
benefit.
138
CONTENTS
BOOK IV
CHAPTER
I Of how up to this point the writer has recorded
what he heard, and from this point will record
what he saw .......
II King Hugh appoints his son Lothair king and
goes with an army to Rome ....
III King Hugh gives his daughter in marriage to
Alberic, hoping by her instrumentality to deceive
him ........
IV The Saracens come from Fraxinetum to Acqui,
where they are all killed in battle
V A fountain ran blood in Genoa, which that year
was taken by Saracens from Africa .
VI For what reason Manasses bishop of Arles says
that he deserted his own church and took another .
VII How in an inculpatory answer it is proved by the
evidence of scripture that Manasses has done
amiss ........
VIII Of Berengar’s wife and of his brother Anscar
IX Of marquess T edbald who fought against the Greeks
and caftrated his prisoners ....
X Of the trick whereby a certain woman saved her
husband from castration .....
XI King Hugo arreSts his brother Boso, who at his
wife’s mitigation had turned traitor, and puts
him into prison ......
XII How Hugh expelled Boso’s wife, Willa, from Italy,
and of the belt that was found in an unseemly
place ........
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PAGE
143
143
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HS
H 7
148
148
149
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Antapodosis
CHAPTER page
XIII Of the death of King Rodulf, whose wife Hugh
marries, giving her daughter to his son . . 152
XIV Of King Hugh, who because of his concubines
conceived hatred for his wife . . . .152
XV Of the death of King Henr y, and where he is
buried, and of his sons . . . . * I S3
XVI Of the wisdom of King Henry, who appointed
his son Otto as his successor . . . - 154
XVII Of the English king’s niece, whom King Otto
married before he came to the throne . . .155
XVIII Of Henry, who rebelled against his brother at
the iniKgation of bad advisers . . . .155
XIX An inveddve in verse, addressed to Henry, againdt
the devil, at whose prompting he desired to make
war on his brother . . ♦ . . .155
XX Of Everard who, while Henry was drill loyal to his
brother the king, took him prisoner in a cadfcle at the
beginning of his revolt, and carried him off to France 1 56
XXI By what methods Everard seduced Gislebert
from his loyalty to the king . . . .157
XXII Gislebert and Everard release Henry from prison . 157
XXIII Of the cunning trick whereby Everard meant to
cheat Henry and Gislebert of the throne . .157
XXIV Of the marvellous vidlory which King Otto
gained by prayer, and of the wound in the arm
that Henry received . , . . . 158
XXV How King Henry obtained the sacred spear . .160
XXVI A proof from sacred scripture that a vidtory or
war of this kind is not due to chance but to God’s
dispensation . . . . . . .161
XXVII Of the manner in which at the irrigation of
Archbishop Frederick many bishops desert the
king when besieging the cadtle of Breisach . .164
XXVIII Of King Otto’s wonderful courage and of the
answer he gave 166
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Tit-for-Tat
CHAPTER
XXIX How God fought on the king’s side, and how
Gislebert and Everard were slain at Andernach
by Huto and Conrad .
XXX Of the messenger who announced their death to the
king on his way to church ....
XXXI King Otto informs Bertald duke of Bavaria of
their death, and tells him that he will give him
either his sifter or his sifter’s daughter in marriage .
XXXII Of Archbishop Frederick, who, having previously
deserted the king, went to the city of Metz to
colleft: an army, and there heard of their death .
XXXIII Of this same archbishop, who was taken and
put in prison .......
XXXIV Of Henry, who was prevented by his sifter from
taking refuge in her caftle when fighting againft the
king
XXXV Of Henry again, who threw himself later on the
king’s mercy .......
page
168
169
170
170
171
171
171
i+r
BOOK IV
Ch. I. Up to this point, reverend father, I have
set out my narrative as I heard it from the lips of
reputable witnesses. The reft of my ffcory I shall
relate from my own personal knowledge ; for at this
period 1 I held a certain position at court, in that I
had won the favour of King Hugh by my sweet voice.
He was passionately fond of singing, and in that resped:
none of the boys who were my contemporaries could
surpass me.
Ch. II. King Hugh, seeing that everything was
prospering with him, appointed as his successor his
son Lothair, whom he had had by his wife Alda, and
secured universal agreement to his choice. This done,
he began to consider how he might gain possession
of Rome from which he had been ignominiously
ejected. Accordingly he colleded a large force and
set out. But though he devastated the regions and
provinces round about in lamentable fashion and made
daily attacks on Rome itself, he was not able to discover
any method of forcing an entrance.
Ch. III. At laft, hoping to deceive Alberic by
guile, he offered him in marriage his daughter Alda,
sifter of his son King Lothair, promising him that on
these terms he should enjoy peace and security as
being a member of his family. Alberic accordingly,
who was not without sagacity, accepted his daughter
as wife, but regarded him ftill with diftruffc and refused
to satisfy his eager desire for the possession of Rome.
It is true that King Hugh would eventually have
1 A.D. 930.
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Antapodosis
ensnared and trapped Alberic avec cet hameau , that
is, with this hook, if he had not been deceived by the
treachery of his own men, who did not wish for any
long peace between the two rulers. Any of his people
that the king meant to chastise always used every
effort to escape and take refuge with Alberic, whose
apprehension of the king’s plans induced him to
receive them favourably and give them a place of
honour in Rome.
Ch. IF. Meanwhile the Saracens, who were living
at Fraxinetum, got a number of men together and
advanced as far as Acqui, which is but fifty miles
from Pavia. Leur chef, that is, their chief, the Saracen
Sagittus was one of the worft and mofi impious of
men. But by the grace of God when the battle took
place le miserable, that is, the wretch, was killed with
all his followers.
Ch. V. About the same time at Genoa, a city in
the Cottian Alps eight hundred furlongs from Pavia
on the African Sea, a fountain ran copiously with
blood, plainly showing that some disaster would soon
befall all the inhabitants. In that same year indeed
the Africans with a huge fleet arrived there, and taking
the people by surprise burft into the city, massacred
every one except the children and women, and putting
on board ship all the treasures belonging to the city
and to God’s churches sailed back to Africa.
Ch. VI. At this time, King Hugh’s authority being
now recognized, Manasses bishop of Arles, who was
connected with Hugh by ties of marriage, left the
church that had been entrusted to his care, and inspired
by ambition made his way to Italy to violate and mangle
many of the churches there. King Hugh, hoping to
hold his throne more securely if he beftowed the various
offices of government upon his own relatives, against
all human and divine law handed over to him — or
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Tit-por-Tat
more exactly gave him as a bait — the churches of
Verona, Trient and Mantua. But Manasses was not
satisfied even with this : he took also the march of
Trient, and at the devil’s instigation became a soldier
and ceased to be a bishop. Mon saint pere, that is,
my holy father, I would fain halt for a moment here,
and after giving his own reasons for this conduct flay
them, by God’s grace, with mine.
Ch. VII. “ Saint Peter,” he says, “ after founding
the church at Antioch hastened across the sea to the
city of Rome, which then by the greatness of her power
was miStress of the whole world. He there, by God’s
dispensation, founded the holy church which claims
universal veneration, handing over his former church,
that of Antioch, to his disciple, St Mark the evangelist.
But before that he also established the church of
Aquileia and made a haSty journey to Alexandria.
That this was so we are sure every one knows who has
read the Adts of the ApoStles.” In answer to this,
Manasses, I would have you know that your ideas
on these sub j efts are incorredt, and you muSt understand
that your parents realized the true meaning of your
name. Manasses signifies “ the forgetful one ” or
“ forgetfulness of God ”. How could your parents
have foretold the future more exadtly or more plainly
than by giving you this name ? You are so self
forgetful, I repeat, that you do not even remember
that you are a human being. The devil knows the
Scriptures, and being himself perverse interprets them
perversely, using them not to save but to destroy men.
Do you not know that when he impiously attempted
to wound Our Lord and Redeemer Jesus ChriSfc with
the weapons of temptation, he made evil use of these
prophetic words 1 : “ He has given his angels charge
over thee, to keep thee : and in their hands they shall
1 St Luke, iv, 10.
i45
Antapodosis
bear thee up, left at an y time thou dash thy foot
againft a ftone That this was so written and that
it refers to Our Lord no one of the faithful doubts.
But how treacherously Leviathan brought forward
these words of truth you can underftand by the reply
given by Him who surpasses the underftanding not
only of men but of angels. “ Thou shalt not tempt ”,
He said, “ the Lord thy God.” You see therefore ;
and yet you make assertions that are true but full of
guile. They are like the reply which the apoftate
Julian is said to have given to the Chriftians whom in
greed for plunder he had cheated of their property : —
“ Your mafter said 1 , ‘ Provide neither gold nor silver
in your purses.’” . And again* : — “ II eft plus aise
qu’un chameau passe par le trou /Tune aiguille , qu’il ne
left qu’un riche entre dans le royaume de Dieu ”, that
is, “ It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a
needle, than for a rich man to enter into the Kingdom
of God ”. And also 3 : — “ Whosoever he be of you
that forsaketh not all that he hath, he cannot be my
disciple ”. Come now, can we think that the perver-
sity of these replies of Julian is worse than the foulness
of your assertions ? What Peter did in the way of
righteousness you transfer to the cause of wrong. I
for my part believe that you do not underftand the
Adts of the Apoftles, or, what is more probable, that
you have never read them. You will find it there
plainly written 4 , that the faithful sold their lands and
houses and laid the price at the apoftles’ feet. Every-
thing was in common and no man said that anything
was his own : distribution was made to every man
according as he had need. Gold is in men’s eftimation
the moft precious of all things and to you it is dearer
than your own soul. If Peter then refused to touch
1 St Matthew , x, q. 3 St Luke , xiv, 33.
* St Mark , x, 25. ' 4 Aas,iv, 35.
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Tit-for-Tat
it, regarding it as pestiferous, how can you juftify
your assertion that he deserted the church of Antioch
and haStily transferred his presence to the church of
Rome ? If you blatantly declare — it is a villainous
lie — that he sought money, I can prove that it was
souls to be gained and a glorious martyrdom that he
desired. It had been foretold him by his MaSfcer,
or rather by his Creator and Redeemer, that 1 : “ When
thou waSt young, thou girdedSt thyself and walkedSt
whither thou wouldeSt : but when thou shalt be old,
thou shalt Stretch forth thy hands, and another shall
gird thee, and carry thee whither thou wouldeSt not
This He said signifying by what death Peter would
give glory to God. Again it is said in another place 2
that when after the resurrection Peter asked Our
Lord where He was going, He replied : u To Rome,
to be crucified a second time Peter came to Rome
then, not puffed up with ambition but animated by
the spirit of martyrdom, seeking not gold but treasure
of souls. How happy, nay how blessed, would you
be if your conscience testified that you were such as he !
You cannot deny that you sold the bishopric of Verona
for a small sum, a thing which we are nowhere told
was done by the apoStle Peter. By that it is plain
that in your desire for gain you have loSt all sense both
of temporal and spiritual honour. Let this here
suffice while I return to my narrative. In its due
place by God’s favour I will describe how you laid
claim to the bishopric of Milan.
Ch. VIII . At that time the caitiff Berengar, under
whose tyranny all Italy is now groaning, was known
as marquess of I vrea . King Hugh gave him in marriage
his niece Willa, the daughter of his brother Boso,
marquess of the province of Tuscany, and Boso’s
wife Willa. Moreover Anscar, Berengar’s brother, son
1 St John,** i, 18. 3 Lini A£ta San&i Petri, XI.
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Antapodosis
of Adalbert and of Ermengarde, Hugh’s sifter, was then
at the height of his power and confidence.
Ch. IX. In addition to this the hero Tedbald, a
close conneftion of Hugh’s by marriage, was marquess
of Camerino and Spoleto. He went to the help of
the prince of Benevento againft the Greeks who had
pressed him grievously hard, and attacking them in a
regular campaign gained the viftory. It happened
that he captured a number of the Greeks who had been
driven from the country side but were ftill holding
some forts. These men he caftrated, saying to the
general who commanded them : “ I underftand that
your holy emperor attaches a special value to eunuchs,
and therefore I have haftened to send him a few with
my respefts, and by God’s grace will send him more
very soon ”.
Ch. X. Let me here insert the ftory of a witty, or
rather a clever, trick which a certain woman played on
this occasion. One day some Greeks in company with
the men of the countryside went out from a fortress
to fight againft the aforesaid Tedbald, and a certain
number of them were taken prisoners by him. As he
was taking them off to be caftrated, a certain woman,
fired by love for her husband and very difturbed for
the safety of his members, rushed out in a frenzy from
the fortress with her hair all flying loose. Tearing
her cheeks with her nails until the blood came, she
took her ftand before Tedbald’s tent and began to
cry out and wail aloud. At laft Tedbald appeared
and said to her : “ What is the matter with you,
woman, that you are making such a loud and lamentable
din ”. To that — a pretence of folly is at the proper
time the height of wisdom — she replied : “ These are
ftrange and unheard of doings, heroes, to make war
againft women who cannot attack you back. None
of our daughters are descended from the ftock of the
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Amazons. We devote our lives to Minerva’s work and
are quite ignorant of weapons Tedbald then said
to her : ££ What hero in his right mind ever made
war upon women, except in the daps of the Amazons ? ”
££ What more cruel war ”, she answered, ££ can you
make on women, or what more grievous loss can you
inflidt upon them, than to seek to deprive their husbands
of that member on which the warmth of our bodies
depends and in which, modi: important of all, our
hopes of children in the future are centred. By
cadlrating our men you rob them of something which
is not theirs but ours. I ask you, did the flocks of
sheep and the herds of cattle that you took from me
ladt week bring me as a suppliant to your camp ?
I willingly agree to give up the animals, but this
other loss, so serious, so cruel and so irreparable, I
shudder at, I shrink from, I refuse. May all the Gods
above protedt me from such a calamity ! ” At this
the whole army burdt into a guffaw, and her arguments
were received with such favour that they earned for
her not only the return of her husband intadf but also
of the beadts that had been driven away. As she was
going off with her belongings Tedbald sent a page
after her to ask what part of her husband he should
remove if he came out again from the fortress to
fight againdt him. ££ My husband ”, she said, “ has
a nose, eyes, hands and feet. If he comes out again,
let your madfcer remove those parts that belong to him ;
but let him leave me, his humble servant, what is mine.”
Such was the answer she sent back by the messenger,
for she realized, by the laughter that her firdfc speech
had evoked and by the return of her husband, that
she had the favour of the army on her side.
Ch. XI. About that time King Hugh’s brother
Boso at the indtigation of his wife Willa, the modi
greedy of women, endeavoured modi perversely to
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Antapodosis
Hart a revolt againH the king. The plot did not
escape Hugh’s vigilant eye, and Boso was taken
prisoner at once and put in cuHody. The cause of
his downfall was as follows. When Lambert, as we
have recorded above, had his eyes put out, Boso
became marquess of Tuscany, and his wife Willa was
fired with such a passion of greed for gold that not
a single noble matron in all the province dared to
adorn herself with any jewellery of the slightest value.
This Willa had no male children, but she had four
daughters, Berta, Willa, Richilda and Gisla. Of these
four Willa, fitly married to the Berengar who is Hill
alive, has rendered it possible for her mother not to
be the worH woman ever born. I will not describe
her conduH in a tedious and winding narrative : from
one disguHing scene you will be able to judge how far
she went in other matters.
Ch. XII. Willa’s husband Boso had a belt of excep-
tional length and breadth, enriched with a large
number of precious gleaming Hones. When Boso was
caught, the king confiscated his possessions and
ordered that for this belt more than for any other of
his treasures diligent search should be made. As for
Willa, whom he regarded as the criminal responsible
for the whole plot, he gave inHruHions that she
should be ignominiously expelled from Italy and sent
back to her native land of Burgundy. The moH
careful scrutiny, however, failed to discover the belt,
and when his messengers returned to Hugh with the
other articles this was Hill missing. Thereupon the
king cried out to them : “ Go back and cut open his
horse’s trappings, even the cushioned saddle upon
which he rides. If you do not find the belt there,
Hrip the queen of all her clothes and make sure that
she has not got it concealed upon her. I know well
how cunning and avaricious she is ”. The messengers
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Tit-for-Tat
accordingly retraced their iieps, and as their search
again proved fruitless, in obedience to the king’s
orders they stripped the queen completely naked. All
the honest soldiers turned their eyes away rather than
behold such a shameful and unprecedented sight ; but
one of the servants ventured to look keenly at her and
saw a piece of string hanging close by the round and
rosy hemispheres of her buttocks. This string the
shameless rascal caught and pulled : and lo and behold,
the belt made its appearance from the very intimate
retreat where it had been hidden. The man, so far
from blushing at his disguising a£t, burft into a laugh.
“ Ha, ha, ha ! ” he cried, “ we soldiers know something
of midwifery. Here is a ruddy youngiter for the
miibress. I hope he will get on well. What luck it
would be for me and how happy I should feel, if my
wife would bear me two such pretty dears ! I would
send them as ambassadors to Constantinople ; for if
you believe the pedlar’s tales the Emperor is always
very glad to receive such envoys.”
These jibes so diitressed Willa that she burst into
tears and revealed to all the secret pain of her heart.
But the servant, as is the way with such people, so
far from being moved by her editress, was encouraged
by it, and to increase the pain of the wound cried
out : —
“ What madness, Willa, thus to Store up gold
In the recesses of your private hold !
Are you a Fury that you have the face
To use your body as a jewel case ?
No mother e’er on sweeter offspring smiled.
Though this, methinks, was scarce a ten month child.
Go on, dear lady, and produce some more,
And as each darling comes, we’ll cry — c Encore
So jeered the rascal, till a captain gruff
Gripped the knave’s neck and said “ Avail that Stuff
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Antapodosis
This finished the business : the belt was taken to the
king, and the lady was packed off to Burgundy.
Whether it was the hider or the searcher who showed
the greater lack of decency is a very ticklish question.
But it is obvious that both Hugh and Willa were
inspired by an excessive love of jewels and gold.
Ch. XIII. At this time Rodulf king of the Burgun-
dians died, and as Alda mother of his son King Lothair
had juft passed away, King Hugh contracted a marriage
with Rodulf ’s widow Queen Berta. He also gave his
son Lothair for wife the daughter who had been born
to Rodulf and Berta, a lady named Adelaide, charming
both by the beauty of her person and the excellence
of her charafter.
To all the Greeks phis seems improper ;i (namely
that if a father takes a mother to wife and makes with
her one body, the son should also be able without
sin to join the daughter in marriage with himself.
Ch. XIV. Hugh, however, beguiled by the allure-
ments of his many concubines, soon began not only
to refuse his aforesaid wife Berta the affeftion due
from a husband, but even heartily to deteft her. How
juftly he was punished by God for this, I shall be glad
to describe in the proper place. He had a number of
concubines, but for three especially he entertained
an ardent and moft disgraceful passion. The firft was
called Pezola, a woman of the loweft servile origin,
by whom he had a son named Boso, appointed by him
after Wido’s death as bishop of the church of Piacenza.
The second was Roza, daughter of the Walpert whom
we have mentioned above as having been beheaded,
who bore him a daughter remarkable for her beauty.
The third was a Roman named Stephania, who also
had by him a son Tedbald, afterwards made arch-
deacon of Milan with the proviso that on the arch-
bishop’s death he should be his successor.
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How it was that God did not allow this arrangement
to be carried out, the course of my narrative will
reveal, if life be granted me. The people in remem-
brance of the shameless beauty content gave these
three women the names of the three goddesses.
Pezola was known as Venus ; Roza as Juno, because
of her continual bickerings and jealousy of her rival,
who in the corruption of this flesh seemed more
beautiful than herself ; Stephania was called Semele.
As the king was not the only man who enjoyed their
favours, the children of all three are of uncertain
parentage.
Ch. XV. At that time King Henry was taken with
a serious illness in the caftle of Memleben on the
borders of Turingia and Saxony and soon afterwards
passed away to his Maker. His body was taken to
Quedlinburg in Saxony, a nunnery of pious and high
born women situated on the king’s own estate, and
was laid to reft with all due veneration inside the
nunnery chapel. There the venerable Matilda,
Henry’s wife, consort and kinswoman, ftill lives, and
there, surpassing all wives whom I have ever seen or
known, she ceases not to perform the office of the dead
in expiation of paft offences and to offer to God a
living sacrifice. Before her husband came to the
throne she bore him a son whom he called Otto,
that great monarch, I mean, by whose might the
northern and the weftern countries of our universe
are governed, by whose wisdom they are given peace,
in whose piety they rejoice, and at whose juft severity
in judgment they tremble. After his accession she
bore two more sons, one called Henry after his father,
a youth of gracious wit and prudent counsel, fair and
comely of face, mild and watchful of eye. He has
but recently passed away and we are ftill shedding
for him ftreams of tears. The third, called Bruno,
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Antapodosis
was sent by his revered father to do battle for the
recovery of Utrecht after the Normans had completely
destroyed the church there. However, I will deal
with their doings more fully in the proper place.
Let me now return to my narrative.
Ch. XVI. How prudent was King Henry and how
wise may be proved by the fadt that he chose as his
successor the mod capable and the modi pious of his
sons. Your death threatened destruction to your
whole people, modi prudent King, if the successor to
your regal dignity had not been a man as great as
yourself. Therefore I have composed the following
lines in honour of you both : —
“ Thou, who the impious didst quell
With fire and sword in days gone by,
Art dead : and now we know too well
How great is our calamity.
But let the people dry their tears
Nor weep the dear lord who has gone.
To all the world this day appears
The father’s image in the son.
Otto shall bring the world beneath
His sway, that peace and concord gives.
All that we loft by Henry’s death
Is paid us back while Otto lives.
Gentle and merciful and mild
To all believers is our king.
But to the foemen fierce and wild
Death and deftrudfion he will bring.
Some wars, dear lord, remain to fight,
And then thy fame to heaven will rise
And every man confess thy might
Beneath the Stars of northern skies,
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Tit-for-Tat
And in those lands that take their name
From Hesperus, the evening-born,
Who when he comes with orient flame
Is Lucifer, the Star of morn.”
Ch. XVII. Before he came to the throne King Otto
had married an English lady of high rank, Otwith
niece of King Athenian, and by her had a son named
Liutolf. Whenever I remember that son’s recent
death my bosom is filled with tears. O would that
he had never been born, or else had not met so early
an end !
Ch. XVIII. At this time Henry, King Otto’s
brother, on the instigation of some perverse advisers
took up an attitude of hostility. For he who after
winning the glorious honour of creation wished to
make himself like to his Creator, by the mouth of his
followers Stirred up Henry againSt his brother — nay
more, againSt his king and maSter — with words like
these : “ You were born in the royal State, your
brother was not. Do you think that your father afted
rightly in preferring him to you ? Obviously he did
not give due weight to the difference of birth ; he
was led aStray by excessive partiality. Come then,
you will find men to help you. Turn your brother
off the throne and take it yourself. The regal dignity
should be yours, since by God’s favour you were born
in it
Ch. XIX.
“ Good Saxon prince, why this insane desire
To mount the throne ? ’Tis not thy noble sire
But God himself forbids, at whose command
He placed the sceptre in thy brother’s hand.
All things on earth God’s ordinance obey ;
He rules the Stars, the seasons own His sway.
God sets up kings, God gives them power to try
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Antapodosis
The crimes of men, God gives them victory.
Thou monStrous serpent, full of guile and spite,
WouldSt thou once more urge brothers twain to
fight
And at thy word that ancient strife recall ?
On thee, foul fiend, the punishment shall fall.
For all the wrong that in this world is done
Thou, wretched traitor, thou shalt pay alone ;
And thy huge frame those fiery chains shall bind
That are to sinners as their due assigned.
Begone to thy juSt place, the flames of hell,
Nor think that Christians there will burn as well
For ever by thy side. By grace of heaven
Forgiveness to the erring soul is given,
And Jesus’ blood avails to wipe away
The penalty that juStly it should pay.”
Ch. XX. Count Everard was the man who enticed
Henry into this foul and nefarious plot. Up to the
time of this firSt revolt Henry had always rendered
due assistance to his brother, his king and overlord,
and had used every effort in subduing his enemies.
But it is the case, not only with those who are occupied
with temporal affairs but even with those who have
devoted themselves to eternity and are wrapped in
the visions of myStic contemplation, that carelessness
sometimes leads to a fall ; and as Vegetius Renatus
says in his treatise on warfare 1 : — “ a security greater
than needful is wont to be especially dangerous ”.
While Henry was flaying in a certain town and not
taking any precautions againSt attack, the aforesaid
Everard got a force together and besieged him, and
before the king his brother could come to his assistance
took the place by Storm and carried off Henry with
a large amount of treasure to his own lands. The
156
1 Vegetius, De re military ifl, xxii.
Tit-for-Tat
king therefore, anxious to avenge his brother’s, or
rather his own, disgrace, started a vigorous campaign
against Everard and his confederates.
Ch. XXL Everard, it muft be said, had seduced
Gislebert duke of Lorraine from his loyalty to the king,
and with his help put up an aftive resistance. For
though Gislebert had married the king’s sifter, inspired
by hope of gaining the throne he preferred to resift
the king rather than do his duty and help him againft
his rivals. When, however, the confederates saw that
even so they could not hold their own, they agreed
to a plan, subtle in the eyes of man but foolish in the
eyes of God, and addressed Henry as follows : —
Ch. XXII. “If you promise under oath to do what
we advise, not only are we ready to release you from
captivity but, what is more important, we recognise
you as our overlord if you wish to become king
They said this, not with any idea of putting their
words into effeft, but in order that they might with
his help the more easily beat the king.
Ch. XXIII. The king had certainly some very
ftrong helpers, namely, Hermann duke of Swabia,
Hermann’s brother Udo, and Conrad surnamed the
Wise. Though these three were bound to Everard
by ties of marriage they preferred to die juftly, if
fate so decreed, with their rightful king rather than
to triumph un juftly with their kinsman. Henry
accordingly, deceived by the promise made to him,
soon collefted forces of his own and began with all
his might to help the rebels in their ftruggle againft
the king. But as it is written “Iniquity lieth to
itself ”, I would fain pause for a moment and explain
how on this occasion iniquity played itself false.
Everard had only been able to seduce Gislebert from
his allegiance to the king by promising to put him on
the throne. Gislebert meant to deceive Henry in
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Antapodosis
the same way ; to overcome the king by his help, and
then depose him and take the kingship for himself.
Everard for his part had quite other intentions. He
meant, if he succeeded in beating the king, to rob
both his confederates and take the throne. This we
may infer from his own words addressed to his wife
some time before his death. He was fondling her
close when he said : “ Take your pleasure now in a
count’s arms : you will soon be rejoicing in a king’s
embrace ”. That things turned out otherwise and
that iniquity was false to itself is proved by the present
ftate of affairs.
Ch. XXIV. So then, as we have said, encouraged,
or rather entrapped, by this promise Henry collected
an army and with Gislebert and Everard prepared
to attack the king, while the latter gladly harkened
againft them, not alarmed by their numbers but
trusting in God’s protection. That you may know
how easy it is for God to conquer a hoft with a handful
of men, and how “ no one shall be saved by the
abundance of his own valour ”, hear the way in which
Our Lord repeated a miracle of the paft.
The king’s soldiers had reached the Rhine at a
place called Birten, and had already begun to cross
the river, unaware that Henry with his aforesaid
confederates was in the near neighbourhood. A few
men had landed from the boats and were juft able to
mount their horses and put on their armour, when
with their own eyes they saw the enemies’ forces
advancing to the attack before they had received any
warning of their approach. They therefore addressed
one another with these mutual exhortations : — “ The
size of this river, as you see, prevents our comrades
from coming to our help, and also bars our retreat,
even if we wished to retire. We know also full well
how ridiculous it would seem, especially among nations
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Tit-for-Tat
of our character, for brave men to surrender to the
enemy, escaping death indeed by non-resiStance but
only winning life at the price of eternal ignominy.
The fadt that we have no hope of retreat — which is
rather a disadvantage to the enemy — and the everlasting
shame that we should earn by surrender, both inspire
us with confidence ; and there is a further motive
that urges us to fight, namely the truth and juStice
of our cause. Even if our earthly habitation be
destroyed in resisting unrighteousness, we shall gain
in heaven a home not made by hands ”. Fired by
these words they advanced at full speed and fell upon
the ranks of their foes. The king for his part, thinking
that his men were not without divine inspiration in
showing this courage, since the intervening Stream
prevented him from helping them with his bodily
presence, remembered how the Lord’s people had
overcome the Amalekites’ attack by the prayers of
Moses, the servant of God. Accordingly he leaped
down from his horse and with all his army burSt into
tearful prayer, kneeling before the vidtory-bringing
nails that had once pierced the hands of Our Lord
and Saviour Jesus ChriSt and were then fixed upon
his spear. What Strength the prayers of a righteous
man possess, according to Saint James’ words, was then
plainly revealed. As he prayed, before a single man
on his side had fallen, the enemy all turned in flight,
some of them not knowing in the leaSt why they were
retreating, since their pursuers were so few that they
could not see them. Many of them were killed and
Henry was Struck heavily on the arm. The triple
mail of his cuirass prevented the sword from piercing
his flesh, but the cruel force of the blow turned the
skin completely black. In spite of all his doctors’ care
the bruise never healed and caused him every year
excruciating pain. Indeed it was acknowledged that
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Antapodosis
his death many years later was due to this injury.
But as I have made mention of the sacred spear, let
me here give an account of how it came into the king’s
possession.
Ch. XXV. Rodulf, king of the Burgundians, who
for some years ruled over the Italians, received this
spear as a gift from Count Samson. It was of a
different appearance from ordinary spears, of a novel
shape and conftru&ed in a novel fashion, with apertures
on either side of its waift. In front of the thumb
pieces two fine cutting edges extend sloping down to
the mi ddle of the spear. It is said that it once
belonged to Conftantine the Great, son of Saint Helena
who found the life-giving cross. At the raised part
in the middle, which above we called the waift, there
are crosses made from the nails that once pierced the
hands and feet of Our Lord and Redeemer Jesus
ChriSt. King Henry, who was a God-fearing man and
a lover of all sacred things, when he heard that Rodulf
possessed this ineSlimabie heavenly treasure, sent
envoys to see if he could at any coSt acquire it, and so
gain for himself an invincible weapon againSt all
enemies, visible and invisible, and make perpetual
triumph certain. Rodulf at firSt declared that he
would never give it up, and so Henry, unable to
soften him by gifts, did his beSt to frighten him with
threats, swearing that he would lay his whole kingdom
waSte with fire and sword. But as the gift he sought
was that thing whereby God had joined the things
of earth to the things of heaven, the corner ftone
that makes both one, the heart of King Rodulf at laft
softened and to the juft king juftly asking for what
was juftly his he handed over the spear. In the
presence of peace there was no room for ftrife. By
Him who was crucified on these nails, passing from
Pilate to Herod, the two kings, who had been mutual
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enemies, were on that day made friends. What love
was inspired in Henry’s heart by the gift of this
inestimable treasure was shown in many ways and
especially in this : not only did he honour the giver
with presents of gold and silver, but he handed over
to him a large diftrift in the province of Swabia.
God who sees into men’s hearts and knows the purpose
of their actions, considering and rewarding not the
size of the gift but the giver’s good will, showed at
this time by certain evidence what a reward He
beStowed upon the pious king for his expenditure.
With this sign going before him and bringing him
victory, Henry routed and put to flight the enemies
who had risen up againft him. Such was the occasion,
or rather such was the will of God, when Henry
gained possession of the sacred spear, which on his
death he handed down with the inheritance of his
throne to his son, of whom we are now speaking.
With what veneration Otto has cherished that inesti-
mable gift is shown both by his present victory, and
by the admirable generosity of his gifts to God, which
we are about to relate. So it was then that King
Henry returned home after terrifying and routing
his foes, not so much rejoicing in his victory as elated
by the proof of God’s compassion towards him.
Ch. XXVI. I would fain pause for a moment and
show that this result was not due to chance but to
God’s directing hand. That will be proved clearer
than the light of day if we consider the appearance
of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ to the women
and disciples after the resurreftion. Thomas knew
well the faith of Peter and the love of John who at
supper leaned on Jesus’ bosom ; he had heard that
they had run to the sepulchre and found nothing but
the linen clothes ; he was aware that angels had
appeared in a vision to the women and assured them
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XI
Antapodosis
that He was Slill alive. Well and good : perhaps he
had considered it women’s weakness and refused to
believe them. Come, Saint Thomas, sap I, even if
you do not believe the two disciples who were hastening
to the fort of Emmaus, to whom He not only appeared
but also expounded the scriptures written concerning
Himself, and furthermore, according to His wonted
custom, blessed their bread and broke it and gave it
to them ; ftill why do you persist in refusing credence
to all your fellow disciples to whom He appeared
when the doors were shut ? Do you remember that
your Lord and Teacher, by whose side you promised
you would die, foretold all this before His passion 1 ?
He said : “ Behold, we go up to Jerusalem, and all
things that are written by the prophets concerning
the Son of man shall be accomplished. For he shall
be delivered unto the Gentiles, and shall be mocked,
and spitefully entreated, and spitted on ; and they
shall scourge him and put him to death : and the
third day he shall rise again ”. Why then do you
doubt His resurrection, when you see Him, as He
foretold, delivered unto the Gentiles, scourged,
spitted on and crucified ? Not without reason is it
that you insist on touching God with your own hands.
Our Lord Himself who before all time assured us
our salvation, who knows all things before they happen,
had foreseen in His mercy and kindness that many
would perish by such an error as this. And so He
said* : — “ Reach hither thy finger and thruft thy hand
into my side : and be not faithless but believing ”.
Parle, St Thomas, that is, speak out, St Thomas, and
by your doubting save us from any future hesitation.
“ My Lord,” said Thomas, “ my Lord and my God.”
O doubter worthy of all praise ! O waverer to be
proclaimed to all ages ! If you had not doubted, I
1 St Luke , xviii, 31. 2 St John. , xx, 27.
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should not so surely believe. If to the heretics, who
loudly declared that Our Lord Jesus Christ did not
rise again in His true body, we could only have asserted
the faith of the believing women and the disciples,
they with devilish cunning would have faced us with
many arguments. But now when they hear that
doubting Thomas handled the body, touched the
scars of the wounds, and then, his doubts removed,
cried out “ My Lord and my God ”, those who till
then were full of noise seem to become as silent as
fishes, knowing that it was true flesh which could be
handled and that it was God who entered when the
doors were shut. That Thomas doubted was not
chance but the divine dispensation.
And so, mod pious king, the victory that with your
few men you could not have expended was part of
the plan of God’s providence, wishing to show to
mortals how dear to God was he who by his prayers
earned so great a triumph with such small forces.
Perchance, nay assuredly, you did not yourself know
how dear you were to God ; that knowledge was
given you after He had honoured you with so signal
a vidtory. Holy men do not know, until they have
tested it, what virtue they possess and what is their
worth when they are set in God’s balances. We may
infer this from the words spoken by the angel to
Abraham when he wished to offer up his son 1 : —
“ Stretch not your hand over the child nor do anything
to him ; now I know that you fear God ”, that is,
I have made you and your posterity to know it. Even
before Abraham consented to slay his son, God knew
how great was the love that the holy patriarch felt
for Him ; but he who loved did not know how perfedt
was his love, until he made it clear as day by the
sacrifice of his beloved son. We can prove this
1 Genesis , xxii, 12.
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Antapodosis
statement by the promise that St Peter made 1 :
“ Lord, I am ready to go with thee, both into prison
and to death And Our Lord said to him : “ I
tell thee Peter, the cock shall not crow this night,
before that thou shalt thrice deny that thou knoweft
me He who made thee, Peter, knew you better
than you knew yourself. The faith you profess is,
you think, true : but He who knows all things before
they happen predicted that you would deny Him
thrice. You did not forget that sentence, and when
He asked you afterwards if you loved Him, you trusted
Him rather than yourself, and declared your love in
this modeft reply : “ Lord, thou knoweft all things ;
thou knoweft that I love thee. In my own conscious-
ness I love thee more than I love myself, save that I
love myself in loving thee. But whether this is
truth, as I think it is, thou doft know better than I,
thou who haft made me to live and fired me with
righteous passion to love thee
And so, good king, this was done, not to confirm
your faith, but for the sake of those weaklings who
think that viftory depends on numbers and that human
affairs are guided by chance. We know that if you
had crossed the river with twelve thousand soldiers
and gained the victory, you would have imputed your
success, not to yourself, but to God. The reason
why He decreed that you should win the day by your
prayers in spite of your small numbers was that He
wished to fire believers with a deeper love of God and
also show to those who knew it not how great was the
love He felt for you. But now I muft leave this
sub j eft and return to the order of my narrative.
Ch. XXVII. In Alsace there is a caftle, called in
the language of the country Breisach, which ftands on
an island in the Rhine, and is furthermore protefted
1 St Luke, rrii, 33.
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b y the natural roughness of the locality. In this
cattle Everard had Rationed a number of his soldiers,
and by the terror they inspired not only made himself
master of a great part of the aforesaid province but
also lamentably harassed the king’s loyal subjects round
about. The good king therefore, considering his
people’s interests before his own, collected an army
and set out for Alsace to lay siege to the aforesaid
caStle. On his arrival, at the instigation of Frederick,
Archbishop of Maintz, who was then with him, a
number of the bishops abandoned their tents which
they had pitched in a circle round him and began under
cover of night to desert their king, secretly retiring
to their own cities, while Frederick treacherously
Stayed behind. The king’s soldiers noticing their
adtion addressed the king thus : “ Take thought for
your safety, sire, and retire from this diStridt into
Saxony. You are well aware that your brother Henry
is endeavouring to make war upon you, and if he sees
the smallness of your present force, he will fall upon
you suddenly without giving you an opportunity to
retreat. It would be better therefore to return later
with a larger army than to be faced with the alternative
of a miserable death or a shameful flight ”. The king
however was undismayed and answered them, as
Judas Maccabeus once answered his men : — “ Nay,
nay, do not talk like that. If our time has come, let
us die like brave men and not caSt a slur upon our good
name. It would be better to face death in the cause
of righteousness than to escape death and live on in
dishonour. If those who resist God’s ordinance and
hope for aid, not from God but from their own
numbers, are content to die in an unrighteous conflict
and to go down to eternal punishment in hell, it
should give us much greater pleasure to fight with all
our Strength, since we have the security of fighting
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Antapodosis
for justice, and, if the universal lot of mankind should
befall us, we can die in battle without an y anxiety for
the future. If those who fight for justice were to
retreat merely because of their small numbers before
they had put things to the te£t of battle, it would mean
that they diftru&ed God By these words not
merely did the king dissuade his men from the retreat
they contemplated, but fired them at once with
vigour for the fray.
Ch. XXVIII. I should like you, excellent father, to
give your careful attention to one of the king’s deeds ;
and then you will admire his victory over his own
passions even more than his victories over his foes.
Even sinners can conquer their adversaries at times, if
God permits : but to keep an unshaken courage and
to be neither elated by success nor depressed by
reverses is only possible when men are perfect. Hear
then how amid the tossing Storms of life the king
founded his ardent faith upon the rock that is ChriSt.
At that time he had with him a certain very wealthy
count, whose hoSt of followers formed a glorious part
of the king’s army. This person, seeing the number
of deserters who were every day leaving the royal
lines, and considering the outer, not the inner, man,
began secretly to revolve these thoughts in his mind : —
“Anything I ask from the king in these troublous
times I shall certainly get : a serious attack is threat-
ening us and he is afraid that I shall desert him ”.
Accordingly he sent messengers, begging the king to
hand over to him the abbey of Lorsch with its rich
lands, so that from its possessions he might supply
his own and his soldiers’ needs. The king, however,
who not only had the wisdom of a serpent but was also
filled with a dove’s simplicity, was quite unable to
understand the meaning of this requeft, and sent the
following excuse in reply : — “ I would rather explain
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Tit-for-Tat
in words than by a message, what I think on this
sub j eft When the count who had sent the mes-
sengers heard this, he was filled with boundless joy,
thinking that his request was already granted. And so,
impatient of delay, he went to the king and asked him
to pronounce judgment. To him the king in the
presence of the whole army gave the following reply : —
“ We muff obey God rather than men. What sensible
person in his right mind does not see that your request
is not a humble petition but has the force of a threat ?
It is written 1 : — ‘ Give not what is sacred to the dogs ’.
And although our teachers say that this muft be
understood spiritually, I think that I should fairly
be giving what is sacred to the dogs if I took away
these monastery lands, given by pious souls to men
who fight for God, and handed them over to men who
are fighting for this world. I call the whole army to
witness and solemnly declare in answer to your wanton
and unrighteous demand that you shall never receive
this nor anything else from me. If it pleases you to
join the other traitors in deserting me, the sooner you
go the better ”. The face is the mirror of the mind :
when the count heard this, his blushing cheeks betrayed
his mental discomfiture, and falling quickly at the
king’s feet he confessed his sin and the gravity of his
error. Consider therefore the courage wherewith
God’s athlete crushes both his invisible and his visible
foes. Our ancient enemy thought that he had done
him no real hurt in persuading so many valiant
princes to rise againft him and in urging his brother
to rob him of his throne. He knew that these were
but outward losses, and so he incited the aforesaid
count to ask for the inheritance of the saints, in order
that the king might the sooner incur God’s anger by
unjuftly handing over to soldiers the wages that
1 St Matthew, vii, 6.
1 67
Antapodosis
belong to the servants of God. In this he failed ;
and let me now relate the king’s marvellous success
and how because of his firmness in temptation God
Himself fought on his side.
Ch. XXIX. That holy man David, speaking in the
Lord’s person, says 1 : “ If my people had harkened
unto me and if Israel had walked in my ways, I would
perchance have humbled their enemies to the dull
and laid my hand upon those who trouble them ”.
That this word was fulfilled in the case of the king
who harkened unto God and walked in His ways, the
account I am going to give will show. When Everard
and Gislebert heard that the king was in Alsace, they
got together a large army, and having no fear of
opposition crossed the Rhine at Andernach, and
proceeded to smash up the king’s loyal sub j efts every-
where round about. It mull be said that Huto,
brother of Hermann duke of Swabia, and Conrad
surnamed the Wise, whom we have described above
as being Hill loyal to the king, were in this diflrift.
But as their forces were much inferior to the enemy,
they feared to engage them. However, at God’s
command, given not by word of mouth but by inspir-
ation, they followed close behind them as they returned
with their load of plunder. After they had gone a
little way, a priefl met them, who was weeping and
wailing aloud. They asked him where he had come
from and why he was weeping, and he replied : “ I
have jufl come from those robbers, who have increased
the miseries of my poor eflate by taking from me the
one beall that I possessed ”. When the aforesaid
Huto and Conrad heard this, they made careful
inquiry as to whether he had set eyes on Gislebert and
Everard. He told them that almoll all the troops
with the booty had crossed the Rhine but that the
1 Psalms , lxxxi, 14.
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two leaders, alone except for a few picked men, were
then taking a meal, curse them ! Thereupon Huto
and Conrad dashed forward with such speed that, if
you had seen them, you would have said they were
flying rather than running. To cut a long tale
short, Everard was killed by the sword, Gislebert
drowned in the Rhine water : there was too much of
it for him to swallow, and his breath failing, he gave
up the ghoft. Not one of their followers escaped :
they were all either taken alive or slain by the sword.
So you see how the Lord laid His hand upon the king’s
adversaries, since He knew that he had always walked
in His ways.
Ch. XXX. While this was going on, the king in
Alsace knowing nothing of what had happened had
made his preparations to die rather than fly before
the foe. It happened accordingly that early one
morning he was following his usual custom and
mounting his horse to go to church — it was some way
off — there to fortify himself with prayer. As he looked
in front he saw a man in the distance coming towards
him with terrific speed and at once realized that he
was the bearer of important news. As the messenger
had good tidings to tell, as soon as he saw the king,
he gave token of the happy message he had to give by
making some preliminary merry gestures. The soldiers
therefore, seeing by these signs that he was bringing
good news, ran forward on the alert to hear what he
had to say. The steady way in which he now began
to walk, the manner in which he smoothed his hair
and arranged his dress, and the respectful greeting
he prepared to give the king, seemed to them as long
as a year. The king saw that his men were panting
with excitement and that the man’s delay was un-
bearable — “ Come,” said he, “ tell us what you were
sent for at once, and invert the usual order by giving
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Antapodosis
us the fa&s firft. Banish this company’s fears and
fill their hearts with joy : then you may bring out
your compliments to myself and indulge in the long
preliminaries of a rhetorical prelude. It is what you
have to say, not how you say it, that we are this moment
expecting. We would rather be made to rejoice by
ruftic simplicity than left on thorns by Ciceronian
wit”. When he heard this, the messenger said out-
right that Everard and Gislebert had passed away from
this life. He wanted to give details, but the king
checked him by a gesture and getting down from his
horse burft into tearful prayers of gratitude to God.
This duty done, he got up and proceeded on his way
to church to commend himself to God’s protection.
Ch. XXXI. At this time Bertald, duke of Bavaria,
brother of duke Arnold, who was a man of great
energy, was very vigorous in supporting the king’s
cause. So the king, wishing him to share in his
present gladness as he had shared in his paft tribu-
lations, sent him a messenger the next day to tell him
what benefits the Lord had showered upon him.
Bertald was not connected with him by any ties of
marriage, and therefore to enhance the joyful news
the king offered and promised under oath to give him
as wife his sifter, formerly married to Gislebert, if
he could get her. If he could not, he said, he would
arrange a marriage for him with Gislebert’s and his
sifter’s child, a girl, now almoft of marriageable age,
whom he had under his control. On hearing this
Bertald was immensely delighted, and chose to wait
for the young girl rather than take the mother, who
had had a husband already.
Ch. XXXII. Frederick, archbishop of Maintz, at
whose inftigation some of the bishops had left the
king, in order that his treachery, till then concealed,
might be plain to all, now openly deserted the king’s
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cause, and about ten days before the death of his
aforesaid conspirators came in haffce to Maintz and
thence passed on without delay to Metz. The king’s
brother Henry had arranged on the return of Everard
and Gislebert to join Frederick there with a large
army and to make preparations for a vigorous campaign
against the king in Alsace. When the archbishop
arrived, however, he was met by a very unexpected
and disagreeable piece of news ; the two princes, he
was told, had been cut off by death and were now no
more. These tidings filled him with consternation
and he was completely at a loss as to what he should do.
Ch. XXXIII. Meanwhile the king left Alsace and
occupied France. In fear of his anger the people of
Maintz refused to allow the archbishop to enter the city
on his return. So not long after he was taken prisoner
by the king’s partizans, brought into the royal presence,
and sent off to prison in Saxony. There he Stayed
some time, and then the king’s clemency restored him
to his former position.
Ch. XXXIV. Henry for his part, terror Stricken with
fear of the king his brother, determined to take refuge
in the caStle of Chevremont, a place Strong by nature
and fortified also by the ingenuity of men. But
his siSter, Gislebert’s widow, learning of this before-
hand not only prevented him from so doing, but
addressed him thus : — “ Shame on you ! Are not
the troubles that my husband’s death has brought
upon me enough for you ? Would you shut yourself
up in my fort and bring down the king’s wrath like
a flood upon this country ? I will not endure it,
I will not suffer it, I will not allow it. I am not so
altogether senseless as to let you win your safety at
the price of my ruin
Ch. XXXV. When Henry heard this, not knowing
what else to do, he took some of the bishops on whose
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Antapodosis
help he had depended, and one day went barefoot to
the king. Taking him by surprise he flung himself
at his feet and as a suppliant begged for mercy. The
king replied : “ Your shameful conduct does not
deserve mercy. But as I see you humbled before me,
I will not do you any harm ”. So he ordered him
to go to his French palace of Ingelheim, there to be
closely guarded until the bitterness of anger had
abated and he could decide on the advice of his wise
counsellors what he should do with him.
172
CONTENTS
BOOK V
CHAPTER
I In what manner Hermann duke of the Swabians
gave his daughter Ita as wife to the king’s son
Liutolf ........
II Of the eclipse of the sun and the appearance of a
comet ........
III Of how King Hugh ever y year attacked Rome
IV Of the two brothers Berengar and Anscar, of whom
Anscar was appointed marquess of Camerino and
Spoleto
V Of Sarlio, whom King Hugh sent against Anscar,
and of Anscar’s speech .....
VI Of the good soldier Wikbert’s good advice and of
the bad soldier Arcod’s bad advice .
VII Of the fir£t battle between Sarlio and Anscar, in
which Wikbert was killed and Arcod ran away .
VIII Of the other battle, in which Anscar killed Count
Hatto with his spear shaft and afterwards falling
from his horse was himself killed by his enemies,
and Sarlio took possession of the march .
IX Of King Hugh, who sent envoys to Constantinople
to fetch ships and Greek fire ....
X Of King Hugh, who meant to put out Berengar’s
eyes, but could not do so owing to Lothair’s
information to Berengar, and of the flight of
Berengar and his wife .....
XI An imprecation against the mountains, which
allowed Berengar and Willa to cross .
XII In what manner Duke Hermann welcomed Beren-
gar and brought him into the king’s presence
173
PAGE
1 77
177
I??
178
X 7 8
179
ISO
l8l
181
182
183
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Antapodosis
CHAPTER page
XIII Of how King Hugh sent his envoys to King Otto,
promising him money if he refused to shelter
Berengar, and how his req ueSt was refused . .184
XIV Of how Romanos Emperor of the Greeks asked
Hugh to give his daughter in marriage to his
grandson, the son of Constantine . . .184
XV Of the naval battle which Romanos fought against
Igor king of the Russi, and of his marvellous
victory ........ 185
XVI Of how King Hugh marched to Fraxinetum and
sent the Greeks with their ships to the same place . 1 86
XVII Of how King Hugh was able to deStroy Fraxinetum
but refused to do so . . . . . .187
XVIII Of Amedeus, Berengar’s vassal, who came to Italy
to reconnoitre . . . . . . .188
XIX Of how King Hugh came to an arrangement with
the Hungarians and sent them to Spain . . .189
XX Of how King Hugh sent his daughter by one
of his concubines to Constantinople . . .189
XXI Of the strength and beauty of the palace at
Constantinople, and in what fashion Stephen
and ConStantine drove their father from the palace
and made him a monk . . . . .190
XXII Of how these same two wished to overthrow
ConStantine, by whom they were themselves
made prisoners and sent to a monastery, and of the
man who revealed their plot . . . .191
XXIII Of their father’s sarcaStic greeting and speech,
when his sons arrived at the monastery . . .193
XXIV The prayer of the Emperor Romanos, thanking
God for his sons’ downfall . . . . .194
XXV Of how Constantine and Stephen were kept under
guard 194
XXVI Of the arrival of the longed for Berengar in Italy,
and how Manasses joined his side . . . . 194
XXVII Which princes firSt deserted Hugh, and why . . 195
174
Tit-for-Tat
CHAPTER page
XXVIII Of how King Hugh sent his son Lothair to Milan,
to appeal to the compassion of the Italians . . 196
XXIX Of Bishop Joseph, whom Berengar expelled from
Brescia and appointed Antony in his place . . 197
XXX Why Berengar left the bishops of Piacenza and
Pavia alone, and why his parents commended the
clerk Liudprand to Berengar .... 197
XXXI Of King Hugh, who went with all his money to
Provence, and of Raimond who became his vassal . 198
XXXII Of Berengar’s wife, who incurred the charge of
unchaftity, and how she freed herself . . . 199
XXXIII Of the money which Berengar got from poor people
and the churches to pay the Hungarians . . 200
175
BOOK V
Ch. I. It happened, after the death of Everard and
Gislebert and the confinement of the king’s brother
Henry, that when men of rank flocked from every
side to congratulate the king, there came also the
richest man of the Swabians, Duke Hermann, who
after profuse congratulations addressed the king in
these terms : — “ It is not unknown to my liege lord
that I am immensely rich and that in spite of my
broad estates and great wealth I have no children.
There is no one except my small daughter to inherit
my property when I die. May it please my lord the
king, therefore, to allow me to adopt as son his son,
the little Liutolf, so that he may be united in marriage
with my only child and on my departure derive such
glory as the succession to my riches can give ”. The
proposal pleased the king and his request was granted
without delay.
Ch. II. In this year, as you yourselves know well,
there was a great and terrible eclipse of the sun, on
the sixth day of the week, at nine o’clock in the
morning. On that day your king Abderahamen was
overcome in battle by Radamir, the mo£fc Christian
king of Galicia. Moreover, in Italy for eight nights
in succession a comet of wonderful size appeared,
drawing after it a very long and fiery trail. This
foreshadowed the famine destined soon to follow which
by its severity caused lamentable havoc in Italy.
Ch. III. At that time King Hugh had been shame-
fully driven from Rome, as we have described, and
177
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Antapodosis
Alberic was in sole control of the city. King Hugh
every year made fierce attacks upon him, laying all
the country wafte with fire and sword, so. that at laft
he captured from him all the cities except his stronghold
of Rome. Even that he would undoubtedly have won
either by laying it waSte or by bribing the citizens,
had not the mysterious sentence of God’s justice
prevented him.
Cb. IV. About this period the two brothers
Berengar and Anscar became famous in Italy. They
were sons of the same father, Adalbert marquess of
Ivrea, but they had different mothers. Berengar, as
we have said above, was the son of Gisla daughter of
King Berengar ; Anscar was the son of Ermengarde
daughter of Adalbert marquess of Tuscany by Berta
daughter of King Hugh. Of these two men Berengar
was prudent in counsel and cunning of wit, Anscar
was ready for any hazardous enterprise. Indeed King
Hugh regarded him with deep suspicion, and thought
that he meant to kill him and seize the throne. Accor-
dingly, afting on advice he made him marquess of
Spoleto and Camerino after the death of marquess
Tedbald, conceiving that the further he knew he was
away, the more security he would feel. However, as
soon as Anscar got there, being a man impatient by
nature, he betrayed at once by his actions all the plans
of mischief againft the king which his mind had
suggested to him.
Ch. V. Of all this Hugh was well aware ; and
after debating what remedy for this annoyance he
could find, he called into his presence a Burgundian
named Sarlio. To him he said — “ The loyalty of
the people of Camerino and Spoleto is something I
know well. It is like a reed, which if a man lean upon,
it will pierce his hand. Go then and undermine their
fidelity with the money I will provide : kill all their
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Tit-for-Tat
affection for Anscar and win them over to yourself.
There is no one who can do this better or more easily
than yourself. You have the wife of my good nephew
Tedbald, the late marquess, and relying on her aid all
the people will come over to you ”. Sarlio accordingly
set out and the people of Camerino and Spoleto
did exactly as the king had said they would. So,
getting a force of men together, he halfened with all
speed to the city where Anscar was living. Hearing
of his approach Anscar called to him one of his squires,
a man named Wikbert, and addressed him in these
words : —
“ The craven Sarlio comes forth to fight
And vainly trusts that numbers give him might.
Up then, with hearts and swords of tempered £teel
And let him in red Strife your valour feel.
A chosen band, well trained in many a fray,
All warriors bold, is now upon the way
Attending me their lord. Soon you will see
The shining arms that presage victory.”
Ch. VI. Wikbert was a man of military experience
as well as courage, and when he heard this he replied : —
“Wait and get together as large a force as you can.
It is a hazardous thing to engage so numerous an
army as his with these few troops. Moreover, if
you consider, the men with whom we have to deal are
men of valour, as well trained in battle as we are ”.
Wikbert’s advice was good and Anscar had already
decided to follow it and by sending messengers in all
direftions to get an army together, when a certain
Arcod, a Burgundian by descent, attacked Wikbert’s
plan in bitter words : — “ You are like Chremes in
the play he said, “ who in fear of Thraso advised
Thais to lock up the house until he should bring
1 Terence, Eunucbus , IV, vi, 23.
179
Antapodosis
helpers from the market place. Thais refused and
then, like you, he said : — ‘ It is foolish to allow what
you can safely avoid. I prefer to provide against
injury rather than to avenge it when it has been done ’ ”.
To that Wikbert replied : — “ You do well to mention
Thraso. At firft he was full of windy rage and fury,
but when he was faced by the real thing, he ported
Syriscus on the right wing and Symalio on the left, and
chose for himself a strategic position in the rear. That
the Burgundians also are talkative, greedy cowards, no
one who knows them doubts. How many flout fights
you have waged, and how many you have escaped by
running away, the scars on your back declare
Ch. VII. Excited by this discussion Anscar and
Wikbert hastened to engage Sarlio, as soon as they
heard of his approach, although he was in force and
they had only a few men. Sarlio had six divisions,
three of which he sent againft the one that Anscar
commanded ; he himself remained the other side of
the river with the remaining three and awaited events.
He was afraid, indeed, that not even his huge numbers
could save him if Anscar once set eyes upon him. The
battle began at once : Arcod ran away and dis-
appeared : Wikbert, who thought it better to die
than retreat, received a mortal wound. When
Anscar was trying to find out who of his men had been
slain, he was met by Wikbert, covered both with his
own and with others’ blood, who said to him : —
“ Two fine divisions are advancing now againft us.
I earnestly beg and entreat you not to await but rather
to refuse their attack. Arcod, as you know, was the
prompter of this fray and you see in what fashion he
has deserted us. I am at my laft gasp and have no
more thought of fighting. I only pray God to have
mercy on my soul, and not to lay to my charge the
crimes I have committed to-day for love of you in
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Tit-for-Tat
sending down so many men to death. ”. With these
words he expired.
Ch. VIII. Anscar got together what men he could,
and meeting two companies of the enemy leaped
forward madly into their midffc and dealt destruction
all around. A certain Count Hatto was in command
of these two divisions, and he now advanced againft
Anscar with some confidence, since he saw that his
spear head was shattered and that he held only the
shaft in his hand. Anscar eyed him Sternly and cried :
“ Are you the perjurer who had no regard for the
oath you swore in God’s name on the cross and the
sacred relics, but deserted me, your liege lord, and
went over, like a cowardly turncoat, to that fox
Sarlio ? Up till now you have only dreamed that
‘ the ghosts are somewhere and the nether realm n ;
and that there is a river called Cocytus with ‘ black
frogs upon the Stygian wave ’. But now you will
very soon find that they are real ”. With these words
he thruSt the pointless spear violently between the
other’s lips and forced it through the back of his head
all bespattered with blood and brains. Then seizing
his sword he began to fight Stoutly against the crowd
who fell upon him. Unaided and without assistance
he flood up againSt the attack of almoSt a whole
army, charging them in all directions, until at laSt
his horse slipped into a ditch and fell on top of its
rider with its head down and its legs in the air. Then
the enemy rushed in upon him and dispatched him with
a shower of missiles. So Anscar died : Sarlio took
over the march without opposition, and King Hugh
was greatly pleased.
Ch. IX. While these things were happening the
mountain districts that encircle Italy and separate it
from the weft and north were being cruelly devastated
1 Juvenal II 149.
181
Antapodosis
by the Saracens of Fraxinetum ; King Hugh accor-
dingly on the advice of his counsellors despatched
messengers to Constantinople asking the emperor
Romanos to send him some of his Greek fireships,
which the Greeks in their own language call chelandia.
His idea was himself to march by land and root out
the Stronghold of Fraxinetum, while the Greeks
blockaded the sea side with their fleet, burning the
Saracens’ ships and completely preventing any rein-
forcements or supplies of food reaching them from
Spain.
Ch. X. Meanwhile Berengar, marquess of Ivrea
and brother of the aforesaid Anscar, began to plot
secretly againSf the king. Hugh became aware of
this, but disguised his wrath and pretended to wish
him well. He arranged, however, to get him into
his hands and then put out his eyes. His little son
Lothair, who was ftill unaware of his own beffc interests,
got knowledge of this design and being but a child
incapable of concealment sent a messenger to Berengar
to acquaint him of his father’s intention. Berengar
thereupon left Italy with all speed and hastened over
the Saint Bernard to Duke Hermann in Swabia,
telling his wife Willa to come to the same place by
another route. When she set out she was with child
and very near her time, and yet she got across the
Vogelberg. How she was able to cross that rough and
pathless mountain on foot I cannot possibly compre-
hend : it would be miraculous if I did not know that
fortune has always been againft me. Alas ! Lothair
did not know the future, nor could he see what a
snare he set for himself. In taking thought for
Berengar he prepared the loss of his own throne and
life. I do not blame Lothair, who erred in childish
folly and bitterly repented afterwards : I rather
curse that cruel mountain which changed its usual
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fashion and allowed them an easy passage. I would
fain cry out an insult upon it :
Ch. XI.
Wicked mountain, once so famed,
Never more shalt thou be named
“ Pathless ” : for thou couldft have slain
That foul fiend and didlf refrain.
Even when the burning sun
Tells that harvest has begun
And the reaper’s sharpened blade
To the ruddy corn is laid ;
Even then thy frozen snow
Never passage will allow.
But to-day, when winter’s cold
All the countryside doth hold.
Thou doff give an easy way.
If I had my wish, I’ld say —
“ Caff the villain from his place
’Mid the hills, and in disgrace
Send him headlong down to hell ;
He deserves his sentence well
Berengar in safety goes
And his path no danger knows :
For that mountain slays the good
And preserves the devil’s brood
Of the savage Moorish crew,
Who their scimitars embrue
In the blood of captives slain
And their food by pillage gain.
Well, I pray the lightning blaft
May upon thy rocks be caft,
And that deep to chaos hurled
Thou mayeft ftay till ends this world !
Ch. XII. When Berengar arrived, Hermann, duke
of the Swabians, received him kindly and brought him
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Antapodosis
with, all due honours into the presence of the moSt
pious King Otto. With what consideration the king
welcomed him, what gifts he bestowed, and what
honours he gave, my pen diStruSts its power to relate.
But the sagacious reader will easily be able to under-
hand from my account what righteousness and courtesy
the king displayed, and what a villain Berengar turned
out to be.
Ch. XIII. King Hugh, hearing of Berengar’s flight,
sent envoys to King Otto, promising to give him any
amount of gold and silver that he might decide, if
only he would not shelter Berengar or give him any
assistance. To them the king made the following reply
in explanation of his adtion : — “ Berengar has sought
my protedtion, not with any idea of overthrowing
your maSter but rather, if possible, of becoming
reconciled to him again. If I can help him in this
matter with your maSter, so far from accepting the
treasures he offers me, I moSt willingly give him mine.
But when Berengar or any one else implores my
clemency and protedtion, it would be the height of
madness to refuse him my aid ”. Consider therefore
what love and affection the pious king showed to a
man, for whom he was willing to spend his own money
rather than receive the money that was offered on
his account !
Ch. XIV. While these events were taking place, the
emperor of Constantinople sent his envoys in company
with King Hugh’s, telling him that he would supply
him with ships and all that he required, if he would
give his daughter in marriage to his little grandson,
his namesake, son of ConStantine. I mean ConStantine
the son of the Emperor Leo, not Constantine the son
of Romanos himself. There were three j oint emperors
with Romanos, his own two sons, Stephen and Con-
Stantine, and ConStantine son of the Emperor Leo,
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Tit-for-Tat
with whom we are now concerned. On receiving this
message, King Hugh sent envoys again to Romanos,
to tell him that he had not any daughters by his
lawful wife, but that if he would take one by his
concubine he could supply a bride of exceptional
beauty. In reckoning a person’s nobility the Greeks
consider the father’s rank and not the mother’s ; and
so Romanos at once equipped his Greek fire ships, sent
off handsome presents, and gave instructions for the
marriage between the lady and his grandson to take
place. My Stepfather, a man of weight and distinction,
and one full of wisdom, was King Hugh’s envoy on
this occasion. Therefore it would not be inopportune
to insert here the account I have often heard him
give of the emperor’s wisdom and courtesy and of the
manner in which he conquered the Rusii.
Ch. XV. There is a certain northern people whom
the Greeks call Rusii, “ les roux ” from the colour
of their skins, while we from the position of their
country call them Nordmanni, “ northmen ”. In the
Teuton language “ nord ” means north, and man ”
means “ human being ”, so that Nordmanni is equiv-
alent to “ men of the north ”. These people had a
king named Igor, who got together a fleet of a thousand
ships or more, and sailed for Constantinople. The
Emperor Romanos hearing of this was diStraCted by
various thoughts ; for his naval forces were either
engaged againSt the Saracens or occupied in guarding
the islands. He spent some sleepless nights in reflec-
tion while Igor devastated the coaSt lands, and at laSt
he was informed that there were fifteen old battered
galleys in the yards which had been allowed to go
out of commission. Thereupon he called les conflruc-
teurs des bateaux , that is, the ship carpenters, into his
presence and said to them : — “ Make haSte and get
the old galleys ready for service without delay.
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Antapodosis
Moreover, put the fire- throwers not only at the bows
but at the Item and both sides as well ”. When the
galleys had been equipped according to his infractions,
he collected his most skilful sailors, and bade them
give King Igor battle. So they set out ; and when
King Igor saw them on the open sea he ordered his
men to capture them alive and not kill them. But
the merciful and compassionate Lord willed not
only to proteCt His worshippers who pray to Him and
beg His aid, but also to give them the honour of
victory. Therefore He lulled the winds and calmed
the waves ; for otherwise the Greeks would have had
difficulty in hurling their fire. As they lay, surrounded
by the enemy, the Greeks began to fling their fire all
around ; and the Rusi seeing the flames threw
themselves in hafe from their ships, preferring to be
drowned in the water rather than burned alive in the
fire. Some sank to the bottom under the weight of
their cuirasses and helmets which they were never to
see again ; some caught fire even as they swam among
the billows ; not a man that day escaped save those
who managed to reach the shore. For the Rusan
ships by reason of their small size can move in very
shallow water where the Greek galleys because of their
greater draught cannot pass. As the result of this
Igor returned to his own country completely demoral-
ised, while the victorious Greeks returned in triumph
to Confantinople bringing a hof of prisoners with
them. These were all beheaded in the presence of
King Hugh’s envoy, namely my fepfather, by order
of Romanos.
Ch. XVI. King Hugh having now collected his
army sent a fleet across the Gulf of Lyons to Frax-
inetum and proceeded thither himself by land. As
soon as the Greeks arrived they defrayed all the
Saracens’ ships with their fire. Moreover the king
1 86
Tit-for-Tat
forced his way into Fraxinetum and compelled the
Saracens to retreat to Moors Mountain, where he
would have been able to capture them by investment
if the circumstance I am about to relate had not
prevented him.
Ch. XVII. King Hugh was very much afraid that
Berengar would colleft a force in France and Swabia,
and come down upon him and rob him of his throne.
So, following bad advice, he sent the Greeks back to
their own country and himself concluded a treaty
with the Saracens, arranging for them to Stay in the
mountains that separate Swabia and Italy, and prevent
Berengar from passing if he happened to lead an army
that way. How many Christian pilgrims on their
way to the thresholds of the blessed ApoStles Peter
and Paul were slain by these heathen under this
convention, He alone knows who has their names
written in the Book of Life. How unjuStly, King
Hugh, do you attempt to defend your throne !
Herod slew the Innocents to prevent the loss of his
earthly kingdom ; you, to keep yours, spare guilty
men worthy of death. And would that those guilty
ones had been allowed to live on condition that they
did not afterwards slay the innocent ! I think, or
more exactly, I believe that you have neither read nor
heard the ftory of Ahab, and how the king of Israel
incurred the anger of the Lord by making a truce
with Benadab king of Syria and letting a man go who
deserved death. It was one of the sons of the prophets
who said to Ahab : “ Thus saith the Lord : ‘ Because
thou haft let go out of thy hand a man whom I appointed
to utter deftruftion, therefore thy life shall go for
his life, and thy people for his people ’ ”. And so
it happened. But what disafters you brought upon
yourself by this aft, my pen will more suitably describe
at the proper season.
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Antapodosis
Ch. XVIII. At the time when Berengar fled from
Italy, he was accompanied by one of his vassals, a
man of noble birth named Amedeus, who, as was
shown later, was not inferior to Ulysses himself in
cunning and audacity. The valiant King Otto was
prevented by various reasons from supplying Berengar
with men ; and furthermore King Hugh kept him
quiet by the immense sums of money he gave him
every year. Accordingly the aforesaid Amedeus went
to Berengar and addressed him thus : — “ It is not
unknown to you, my lord, how hateful King Hugh
has made himself to all the Italians by the harshness
of his rule, especially seeing that he gives every position
of importance to the sons of his concubines or to the
Burgundians, and that there is not one Italian noble
to-day who has not either been driven from the
country or deprived of all his dignities. The only
reason that they do not concert a revolt againft the
king is that they lack a leader. So if some one amongffc
us were to go there in disguise and find out their
wishes, he would doubtless be able to hatch a plot
which would be all to our advantage ”. To this
Berengar replied : — “ No one can do this more easily,
or more effectually than yourself ”. So Amedeus
disguised himself and joined some poor folk who were
going on a pilgrimage to Rome. Thus under pretext
of a Roman visit he got into Italy, met the Italian
princes, and found out what they variously desired.
But he did not show himself to them all in the same
guise : for one he darkened his skin, for another he
had rosy cheeks, for a third his face was covered with
spots. At laCfc it got to the king’s ears that he was in
Italy, for “ rumour is a hot-foot jade and to swiftness
owes her Strength and orders were given that
diligent search should be made for him. Amedeus
1 Virgil, Aentid, IV, 174.
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Tit-for-Tat
then befouled his beautiful long beard with pitch
and changed the colour of his golden hair by the help
of black dye, and so, with dirty face and limping gait,
appeared among the beggars who took their food in
the king’s presence. He actually faced Hugh naked
and received from him a cloak to wear, listening
meanwhile to all that the king was saying about
himself and Berengar. Then, after having carefully
investigated the whole position, he returned to his
maSter ; but not this time with the pilgrims, as he
had come. The king had given orders to the guards
at the frontier barriers to allow no one to pass until
they had thoroughly satisfied themselves as to his
identity. Amedeus heard of this and got across the
frontier by rough trackless country where no guards
were set ; and so reached Berengar bringing with
him exactly the news that he wished to hear.
Ch. XIX. At this time King Hugh made peace
with the Hungarians, giving them ten pecks of money.
He then exa&ed hostages and expelled them from
Italy, supplying them with a guide to show them the
road to Spain. The reason that they never got to
that country and to the city of Cordoba, where your
king has his lodging, was that for three days they had
to traverse a waterless diftridt, barren with drought.
Thinking that they and their horses would die there
of thirSt, they beat to death the guide that Hugh had
given them and went back quicker than they came.
Ch. XX. At this same time King Hugh sent his
daughter Berta, whom he had had by the courtesan
Pezola, to Constantinople to be married to the little
Romanos, son of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, the
ceremony being performed by Sigefred, the venerable
bishop of Parma. The imperial power was then held
by the elder Romanos and his two sons ConStantine
and Stephen. Next to Romanos however in order of
189
Antapodosis
precedence came Constantine, son of the emperor
Leo, whose little son by Helena, the elder Romanos’
daughter, married the aforesaid Berta, whose name
was changed by the Greets to Eudoxia. These four
then were joint emperors, when the two brothers
Stephen and Consfantine, without the knowledge of
ConStantine son of the emperor Leo, prepared to
play un mauvais tour , that is, a naSty trick upon their
father Romanos. They were weary of his Stridfc
control which did not allow them to do anything
that they wished. So, listening to bad advice, they
began to consider how they might deprive him of
the throne.
Ch. XXI. The palace at Constantinople surpasses
both in beauty and in Strength all the fortresses I have
ever seen, and it is moreover guarded constantly by
a great crowd of soldiers. It is the cuStom to open
the gates to everyone soon after daybreak, but at
nine o’clock the signal “ mis ” is given and all have
to leave, entrance being then forbidden until three
o’clock in the afternoon. In this palace Romanos
lived in State in the fineSt room, le salon d’or, that is,
the golden chamber, handing over the reSt of the
palace to his son-in-law ConSfantine and his two sons
Stephen and ConStantine. These two latter, dis-
contented, as we have said, with their father’s juSt
severity, collected a large force in their apartments,
and fixed upon a date when they should dethrone
their father and become themselves sole rulers. The
longed for day arrived, and when everyone, as usual,
had left the palace, Stephen and ConSfantine got
their men together and fell upon their father. They
got him out of the palace without the citizens knowing
anything of it, and after giving him the monastic
tonsure sent him off to philosophize in an island near
by, where a congregation of monks were pursuing
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Tit-for-Tat
their studies. Very soon, however, the voice of loud
rumour made itself heard in the city. People began
to cry out that Romanos was dethroned, others that
his son-in-law Constantine had been murdered. In
a moment the whole multitude flocked to the palace.
Loud mutinous cries of “ ConStantine ” were raised,
and so at the requeSt of Stephen and ConStantine, the
popular favourite went to that side of the palace
where the vaSt space of the ZucaniStrion 1 Stretches
and put h’s dishevelled head through the lattice. His
appearance quieted the popular disturbance and the
crowd had to return home : but all this of course was
very annoying to the two brothers. “ What good is
it that our father has abdicated ”, they said, “ if we
have to endure another maSter, who is not our father ?
It would be more tolerable and more honourable for
us to submit to a paternal despotism than to a Stranger’s
tyranny. Moreover, foreigners as well as his own
people came flocking to this fellow’s aid. Bishop
Sigefred, King Hugh’s envoy, with his fellow-country-
men from Amalfi, Rome and Caieta, was here, prepared
to help him and deStroy us.”
Ch. XXII. Thereupon they filled their rooms
again with armed men, as they had done for their
father. The commander of these troops was Diavo-
linus, who after having prompted the brothers now
betrayed them. He found ConStantine bent over
his books and addressed him thus : “ Your longstanding
rule of righteous conduit keeps you in ignorance of
the dangers which threaten you at the hands of
Stephen and ConStantine, your brothers and enemies.
If you realized the fate they have prepared for you,
you would be taking measures now to save your life.
Your wife’s brothers have collected an armed force
and have them now shut up in their own apartments,
1 A building, facing the polo ground, constructed by Theodosius II.
191
Antapodosis
and they intend, not to drive you from the palace
as they did their father, but to murder you within
its walls. Their opportunity will come three days
from now, when they intend to invite you to a
banquet. When you attempt to take your seat in the
centre, as is your highness’ custom, a blow will be
struck upon a shield, the soldiers will burSt out from
the room, and your life will end in bloodshed. If
you want a proof of what I say, I can give you plain
evidence this very moment. In the firft place I can
show you the concealed soldiers through a hole in
the wall ; and secondly, what is more important for
your safety, I hand you now the keys of the doors ”.
At this Constantine said : “ Well, as you have revealed
to me this treacherous plot, tell me next how I may
baffle it. My life is dear to me, but I shall take even
greater pleasure in piously repaying your services
Then Diavolinus said : “ You are not unaware that
the Macedonian guards are both Sturdy fighters and
devoted to yourself : send for them and fill your own
rooms with troops without letting Stephen and
ConStantine know. When the day appointed for the
banquet comes and the dispute for pride of place
begins, give the signal I told you of by Striking upon
a shield. Their men will not be able to get out to
help them, while your guards will leap upon them
unexpectedly and make them prisoners. It will be
a surprise attack and perfectly easy. Then you can
send them across the water with their heads duly
tonsured to philosophize in the monastery close by,
where they sent their and your wife’s father. Your
enterprise will be favoured by God’s rightful judgment,
consideration for which did not prevent them from
sinning againSt their father, although it has guarded
you from offence ”. That God’s juSt verdiCt was in
this matter fulfilled is proclaimed to-day by Europe
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Tit-for-Tat
and Asia and Africa. On the appointed day, when
under pretence of friendship the brothers had invited
Constantine to a banquet and a disturbance was
beginning over pride of place, a blow was Struck upon
a shield, as we have said, and the Macedonians made
their unexpected appearance. The two brothers
Stephen and ConStantine were at once arreSted, had
their heads tonsured, and were sent off to philosophize
in the neighbouring island to which they had des-
patched their father.
Ch. XXIII. When their father Romanos heard of
their arrival, he rendered thanks to God and with a
glad face came to meet them outside the monaifery
door. “ O happy hour,” he cried, “ that has com-
pelled your maj efties to visit my humble eftate. The
affeftion which drove me from the palace, I suppose,
has not allowed your filial love to remain there any
longer. What a good thing it was that you sent me
here some time firSt. My brothers and fellow soldiers
in ChriSt give all their time to philosophy, and they
would not have known how to receive emperors if
they did not have in me an expert in imperial etiquette.
Here is boiled water for you colder than the Gothic
snows : here are soft beans, greenstuff and fresh cut
leeks. There are no fishmonger’s delicacies to cause
illness ; that is rather brought about by our frequent
faffs. Our modest abode has no room for a large and
extravagant company ; but it is juft large enough for
your majesties who have refused to desert your father
in his old age.” I need not say, for you can well
believe how modeftly Stephen and Conftantine caffc
down their eyes while their father was indulging in
these sarcasms and how unwillingly they entered the
monastery. Then Romanos with arms extended
flung himself before the base of the altar and poured
forth this tearful prayer : —
193
Antapodosis
Ch. XXIV.
“ O Christ, with Father and the Spirit one,
Word of the Father, whence the Light hath shone
On this dark world, and to onr mortal eyes
He hath revealed His heavenly mysteries.
Look on the creature that thy goodness made,
And let me not by Satan be betrayed
Whom thou didfl ransom with thy sacred blood.
I pray thee, Saviour ; let my strength hold good
To tread the world’s vain strife beneath my feet
And ftill resolve the tempter foul to cheat
Who seeks to spoil our happiness. I crave
No power on earth if I salvation have.
And thanks to thee I see them overthrown
Who took their father’s empire for their own.”
Ch. XXV. After this Stephen and Constantine were
kept constantly under close guard ; but their father
submitted to his lot with equanimity. We are told
by reliable witnesses that when the brothers reproached
him for weeding beans he replied : — “ It is a more
glorious kingdom to serve the humble needs of God’s
servants than to rule over the proud sinners of this
world ”.
Ch. XXVI. Meanwhile Berengar by requeSt left
Swabia with a few attendants and made his way
through Fair Valley to Italy. He there pitched camp
close to the fortress known as The Ants’ Neff, which
Manasses, archbishop of Arles and Trient and usurper
of the bishoprics of Verona and Mantua, had at that
time, as we have said before, entrusted to the care of
his clerk Adelard. Berengar saw that neither siege
train nor attack by ftorm were of any use againft this
ffronghold, but knowing Manasses’ ambition and his
fatuiti, that is, his shallow boaftfulness, he asked for
an interview with Adelard and addressed bim thus : —
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Tit-for-Tat
“ If you put this fort in my hands and bring over
your mafter Manasses to my side, when I gain kingly
power I will give him the rank of archbishop of Milan
and make you bishop of Como. And that you may
believe my promise, I hereby confirm my offer by
oath When Manasses heard of this from Adelard,
not only did he order him to hand over the fort to
Berengar but he invited all the Italians to join his side.
Ch. XXVII. So Rumour, “ hot-foot jade, surpassing
swift, who from her speed draws strength ”, very soon
announced to all men the coming of Berengar, and
people began to leave Hugh and attach themselves
to the invader. The firft to do so was Milo, the
powerful count of Verona. Hugh suspected him and
had set guards secretly to keep him under watch. He
pretended not to notice and one evening prolonged
a banquet till midnight. Then, when all heavy with
sleep and the wine god had given their weary limbs
to reft, he ftole away attended only by his shield
bearer and hastened to Verona. Thence he sent
messengers to Berengar and offered him the town as
a base of firm resiftance to Hugh. It mud be allowed
that it was not disloyalty which thus severed him from
his king : the latter had inflidted upon him some
slights which he could not endure any longer. His
lead was followed by Wido, bishop of Modena, who
had not been injured in any way but coveted the great
abbey of Nonantola, which he afterwards got into his
hands. He not only deserted Hugh but brought a
number of others with him. Hugh, hearing of this,
colledted his forces and attacked his caftle of Vignola,
an attack that may truthfully be called as useless as
it was valiant, as the following will show. While
he was occupied there Berengar left Verona and at the
invitation of Archbishop Arderic hastened to Milan.
This news brought Hugh in sad depression to Pavia.
195
Antapodosis
Meanwhile all the chief men in Italy began to
leave Hugh’s ill starred fortunes and to join the needy
Berengar. I call a man needy, not when he possesses
nothing, but when he finds that nothing is ever
sufficient. The unprincipled and greedy find their
possessions always uncertain and dependent on chance
and they ever seek more. No one among them is
satisfied with what he has and they should be con-
sidered as beggarly paupers rather than as rich men of
wealth. They alone are rich and possess a fruitful
and a lasting estate, who are content with their
lot and think what they have is enough. To have
no desires is real wealth : not to be fond of buying
things is the be£t of incomes. Let us confess the
truth. Which is the richer, the man who wants or
the man who has more than sufficient ? The man
who needs or the man who has abundance ? The
man who finds that the greater his possessions the
more they need to protedf them, or the man who can
rely on his own strength ? To be satisfied with one’s
fortunes is the greatest and mod certain riches. On
this topic let this suffice. My eager pen muff now
return to Berengar, at whose appearance all men
thought that the golden age had come again and
cried out — O happy age that has produced such a
man as this ”.
Ch. XXF11I. While he was busy at Milan, distri-
buting the high offices of Italy to his adherents, King
Hugh sent his son Lothair to present himself to
Berengar and the whole nation, asking them, as they
were getting rid of him as not being to their tafte,
to welcome his innocent son for the love of God and
make him compliant with their wishes. Then, while
Lothair made his way to Milan, Hugh left Pavia with
all his money and prepared to abandon Italy and go to
Burgundy. One thing however stopped him. When
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Tit-for-Tat
Lothair prostrated himself before the cross in the
church of the blessed confessor Ambrose and the
blessed martyrs Gervasius and Protasius, the people
were seized with compassion for him, and raising him
up proclaimed him as king, while they also sent a
messenger immediately after Hugh, promising that
he should rule over them again. This proposal, or
rather this trick, was Berengar’s sole invention and
was in accordance with the cunning wherewith he was
ffcuffed full. He did not mean either of them to be
king, but he wanted, as was seen later, to prevent Hugh
from getting away and calling in the Burgundians or
some other people again!! him by the help of his
immense wealth.
Ch. XXIX. At this time a certain Joseph was
bishop of Brescia, a man of good repute, young in
years but old in wisdom. As he was of upright
charadfer, Berengar, with his usual piety, deprived
him of his see, and appointed Antony, who is ftill
alive, in his place, without either holding a council or
consulting with the other bishops. Moreover he did
not appoint Adelard to the see of Como, as he had
sworn to do, but out of affe&ion for the archbishop of
Milan chose a certain Waldo as bishop. What a good
appointment that was is shown in outward signs and in
people’s groans, by the decrease of the congregation,
the cutting down of vines, the Gripping of bark from
trees, the knocking out of eyes, and the constant
repetition of quarrels. As for Adelard, he made him
bishop of Reggio.
Ch. XXX. He intended to expel Boso, Hugh’s
baftard, from the see of Piacenza and Liutefred from
Pavia, but for a monetary consideration he let them
alone, pretending that he a£fed out of love of God.
How immense then was the joy in Italy ! “ Another
David has come ” men cried ; and in their blindness
197
Antapodosis
said that he was greater than Charlemagne. For
though the Italians had accepted Hugh and Lothair
as kings again and Berengar was nominally only a
marquess, in the reality of power he was king, and the
other two, if kings in name, were actually held as
less important than counts. Why say more ? My
parents were so allured by Berengar’s reputation and
by his fame for courtesy and generosity that they put
me into his service, and at very great expense got me
appointed as his private secretary responsible for all
ffcate despatches. I served him faithfully for years
and he repaid me — O shame ! — in the fashion that I
shall describe in due season. His conduct would
almost have driven me to despair if I had not found
many others as companions in misfortune. To him
those beautiful words 1 apply : — “ The wings of the
oftrich are like the wings of the hawk and the heron.
When the time has come, she lifteth her wings on
high, and scorneth the horse and his rider ”. While
Hugh and Lothair were with us, he, the huge greedy
oftrich, though not really good, yet seemed good.
But when they were deposed and everyone put him
upon the throne, how then he lifted his wings and
scorned us all I am going to relate, not so much in
words as in sighs and groans. But let us leave this
now and return to the order of my narrative.
Ch. XXXI. King Hugh, being unable to escape
God’s punishment or get the maflery over Berengar,
left Lothair behind under Berengar’s protedfion,
pretending that he was his friend, and taking all his
money with him hastened back to Provence. Where-
upon Raimond prince of the Aquitanians came to him
and in consideration of a large sum offered himself
as his vassal, declaring under oath that he would be
his loyal supporter. He promised moreover that he
1 Job , xxxixy 1 8 .
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Tit-for-Tat
would collect his forces, march into Italy, and crush
Berengar ; a laughable offer which the worthless
character of his people rendered ridiculous. However,
even if he could have been of any help, his proposal
could not have been put into effeft ; for soon after-
wards at the Lord’s summons King Hugh took the
way of all flesh, leaving his money to his niece Berta,
widow of Boso Count of Arles. This lady, after a
short interval the aforesaid Raimond, a fellow even
more filthy than the filthy people he ruled, got for
his wife, although competent judges of beauty vigor-
ously assert that he was quite unworthy of her bed
or even of one kiss from her lips.
Ch. XXXII. It was at this time that Berta’s sifter
Willa, wife of Berengar, incurred the charge of
unchaftity. Her conduct was not only known to the
chamberlains and other officials of the court, but was
the common talk of all the tradesmen of the town.
She had in her service as chaplain a prieftling named
Dominic, a fellow of short ftature and swarthy com-
plexion, boorish, hairy, intraftable, rough, shaggy,
wild, uncouth, fond of mad ftrife, with a wanton
tail like appendage, and no regard for right . 1 To his
teaching Willa had entrufted her two daughters Gisla
and Girberga, that they might imbibe from him a
sound knowledge of literature. Taking advantage of
the facetious lessons, which the hairy, unwashed
prieft gave to the girls, the mother won his favourable
notice by gifts of coftly robes and delicate food.
Every one was surprised that a woman generally
so ungracious, grasping and deteftable should suddenly
show herself so generous in this one case. But the
word of truth which says 2 : “ There is nothing hidden
which shall not be revealed, nothing secret which
1 Of Pan. Baehrens, Poet. lat. min., Ill, 170.
2 St Matthew , x, 26.
199
Antapodosis
shall not be made known ”, did not allow men to
wonder for long. One night this hairy creature
according to his wont was on his way to his mistress’
bed when a dog came on the scene, woke up the
sleepers in the adjoining rooms with his fierce barking,
and gave the prieCt several severe bites. The whole
household jumped out of bed, seized the intruder, and
asked him where he was going ; but his miftress
anticipated any excuse on his part by crying — “ The
villain was after my maids ”. Thereupon the miser-
able prieft, thinking that it would be better for him
to back up the lady, whined : — “ I confess ; that is
the truth”. His mistress after this began to plot
againft his life and offered a reward to anyone who
would kill him. But as all her people were God-
fearing men, she could not get her plan executed, and
at la^h some gossip on the subjeCt reached Berengar’s
ears. Then Willa had recourse to soothsayers and
sorcerers, hoping that their charms would help her.
Whether success was due to their incantations or to
Berengar’s weakness I do not know : at any rate her
husband gave way and of his own accord put his
head into the conjugal halter. So the prieft was
castrated for having whinnyed after his lady’s maids
and dismissed from her service : the lady herself
received more than ever of Berengar’s affeCtion. Those
who turned the prieft into a eunuch declared there was
good reason for the love his miftress bore him : his
tool, they discovered, was worthy of Priapus himself.
Ch. XXXIII. About this time Taxis, king of the
Hungarians, came into Italy with a large army, and
was paid ten pecks of money by Berengar, who got
the amount not from his own purse but by making
a collection from the churches and poor folk. Indeed
his aCtion was not due to any regard for the people ;
he used the opportunity to get a large sum of money
200
Tit-for-Tat
together. In this he was successful enough. Every
person of either sex, adults and babes at the breaft,
had to pay one gold coin each. By mixing bronze
coins with the gold he made up ten pecks : the reft
of the money together with all that he took from the
churches he kept for himself.
201
CONTENTS
BOOK VI
CHAPTER
I Prefatory ........
II Of how the Emperor Constantine sent an envoy to
Berengar ........
III Of the cunning manner in which Berengar sent an
envoy to Constantinople without giving him
anything ........
IV At what time the aforesaid envoy left Pavia and
when he reached Constantinople .
V Of the marvellous palace called Magnaura and the
reception given to the envoy ....
VI Of the gifts which the emperor Berengar ? s envoy
made out of his own purse, on behalf of Berengar
who had sent nothing .....
VII Of how the emperor invited Berengar’s envoy to
his table ........
VIII Of the marvellous palace Decanea and its three huge
golden vessels .......
IX Of the marvellous entertainment given at the
emperor’s table ......
X Of the money paid out in the emperor’s presence
PAGE
20 5
206
206
207
207
208
209
209
210
211
203
BOOK VI
Ch. I. If it were not that the Lord had prepared
a table in my sight against those who trouble me, the
character of my fortunes to-day would call for a
tragedy rather than a history from my pen. I cannot
describe by what calamities I have been buffeted in
my painful journeyings, and my outer man would
prefer to sit down and weep rather than write words
on paper. But my inner man is strengthened by
the Apoftle’s ordinance 1 : — “ he glories in tribulations
of this kind ; knowing that tribulation worketh
patience ; and patience, experience ; and experience,
hope ; and hope maketh not ashamed ; because the
love of God is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy
Ghoft which is given unto us ”. So let the outer
yield to the inner man, and so far from shrinking from
his misfortunes, let him rather reft content in them.
If he concentrates on his writing and describes how
some rise and some fall on fortune’s wheel, he will feel
less acutely the troubles that now beset him. Let
him rejoice at fortune’s mutability : he need fear no
worse grief — that is impossible, unless he were to die
or lose a limb — and let him always be expefting a
turn for the better. If fortune changes his present
ftate, she will bring him the happiness that he lacks
and banish the sorrow that he has. So let him go on
writing and add the true ftory that follows to his
previous narrative.
1 Romans , v, 3.
205
Antapodosis
Ch. II. After the death of King Hugh in Provence
the fame of Berengar spread abroad in many lands,
and especially among the Greet peoples. By virtue
of his abilities he was the chief man in Italy, while
Lothair was king only in name. So ConStantine, who
after the downfall of Romanos and his sons had become
emperor at Constantinople, hearing that in actual
power Berengar was superior to Lothair, sent him a
letter by the hand of a certain Andreas, who from his
functions had the title of “ prefect of the guard ”.
In this letter he said that he was very desirous of a visit
from an envoy of Berengar’s, that the latter on his
messenger’s return might know with what affeCtion
he was regarded. He also wrote him another letter
on Lothair ’s behalf, commending him to his care and
begging him to be faithful in administering the realm,
to whose governance by God’s favour he had been
appointed. ConStantine indeed had no small regard
for Lothair’s welfare and made it a subject of scrupu-
lous thought, owing to the affeCtion he felt for his
son’s wife who was Lothair’s siSter.
Ch. III. Accordingly Berengar, who was a man
Stuffed full of cunning, began to consider whom he
could beSt send without contributing anything himself
to the expense of the long journey. He therefore
sent for my Stepfather, under whose care I was then
living, and addressed him thus : — “ What a boon it
would be to me if your Stepson knew Greek ! ” My
Stepfather replied : “ I would spend half my eState
to give him that knowledge ”. “ Nay,” said Berengar,
“ you need not spend one hundredth part of it. The
emperor of Constantinople begs me in this letter to
send an envoy to his court. As far as courage goes,
no one could be better than your Stepson, and on the
score of eloquence no one could be more satisfactory
than he will be. And I need not tell you how easily
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there he will imbibe the learning of Greece, he who
in his youth has drunk so deep of Latin knowledge
At this my stepfather was fired by hope, contributed
all the expenses of the journey, and sent me off, the
bearer of handsome gifts, to Constantinople.
Ch. IV. On the firSt of AuguSt I left Pavia and
sailing down the Po arrived in three days at Venice.
There I met a Greek envoy, the eunuch Salerno,
chamberlain of the palace, who had juSt returned from
Spain and Saxony. He was anxious to sail for Con-
stantinople and was taking there with him an envoy
from my present maSter, who was then king and is
now emperor. This man, who was the bearer of
coStly presents, was a rich merchant of Maintz called
Liutefred. Finally we left Venice on the twenty-
fifth of AuguSt and reached Constantinople on the
seventeenth of September. It will be a pleasant task
to describe the marvellous and unheard of manner of
our reception.
Ch. V. Next to the imperial residence at Con-
stantinople there is a palace of remarkable size and
beauty which the Greeks call Magnavra, the letter
v taking the place of the digamma, and the name being
equivalent to “ Fresh breeze In order to receive
some Spanish envoys, who had recently arrived, as
well as myself and Liutefred, ConSkantine gave orders
that this palace should be got ready and the following
preparations made.
Before the emperor’s seat Stood a tree, made of
bronze gilded over, whose branches were filled with
birds, also made of gilded bronze, which uttered
different cries, each according to its varying species.
The throne itself was so marvellously fashioned that
at one moment it seemed a low Structure, and at
another it rose high into the air. It was of immense
size and was guarded by lions, made either of bronze
207
Antapodosis
or of wood covered over with gold, who beat the
ground with their tails and gave a dreadful roar with
open mouth and quivering tongue. Leaning upon
the shoulders of two eunuchs I was brought into the
emperor’s presence. At my approach the lions began
to roar and the birds to cry out, each according to its
kind; but I was neither terrified nor surprised, for
I had previously made enquiry about all these things
from people who were well acquainted with them.
So after I had three times made obeisance to the
emperor with my face upon the ground, I lifted my
head, and behold ! the man whom juft before I had
seen sitting on a moderately elevated seat had now
changed his raiment and was sitting on the level of
the ceiling. How it was done I could not imagine,
unless perhaps he was lifted up by some such sort of
device as we use for raising the timbers of a wine press.
On that occasion he did not address me personally,
since even if he had wished to do so the wide distance
between us would have rendered conversation un-
seemly, but by the intermediary of a secretary he
enquired about Berengar’s doings and asked after his
health. I made a fitting reply and then, at a nod from
the interpreter, left his presence and retired to my
lodging.
Ch. VI. It would give me some pleasure also to
record here what I did then for Berengar, so that all
may recognize what affection I showed to him and
what recompense I have received from him for my
services. The Spanish envoys and the aforesaid
Liutefred, who represented my present m.after who
was then King Otto, had brought handsome gifts
from their mafters to the emperor Conftantine. I for
my part had brought nothing from Berengar except
a letter and that was full of lies. I was very greatly
disturbed and shamed at this and began to consider
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Tit-for-Tat
anxiously what I had better do. In my doubt and
perplexity it finally occurred to me that I might
offer the gifts, which on my own account I Kad
brought for the emperor, as coming from Berengar,
and trick out my humble present with fine words.
I therefore presented him with nine excellent cuirasses,
seven excellent shields with gilded bosses, two silver
gilt cauldrons, some swords, spears and spits, and what
was more precious to the emperor than anything,
four carzimasia ; that being the Greek name for young
eunuchs who have had both their testicles and their
penis removed. This operation is performed by
traders at Verdun, who take the boys into Spain and
make a huge profit.
Ch. VII. Three days after I had presented my
gifts the emperor summoned me to the palace and
personally invited me to dinner with him, after the
banquet bellowing a handsome present on myself and
my attendants. As the opportunity has occurred to
describe the appearance of the emperor’s table,
particularly on a feast day, and also the entertainments
that are given there, I think it belt not to pass the
matter over in silence but to give an account.
Ch. VIII. There is a palace near the Hippodrome
looking northwards, wonderfully lofty and beautiful,
which is called “ Decanneacubita ”, “ The house of
the nineteen couches ”. The reason of its name is
obvious : “ deca ” is Greek for ten, “ ennea ” for
nine, and “ cubita ” are couches with curved ends ;
and on the day when Our Lord Jesus Christ was born
according to the flesh nineteen covers are always laid
here at the table. The emperor and his guefts on
this occasion do not sit at dinner, as they usually do,
but recline on couches : and everything is served in
vessels, not of silver, but of gold. After the solid
food fruit is brought on in three golden bowls, which
209
14
Antapodosis
are too heavy for men to lift and come in on carriers
covered over with purple cloth. Two of them are
put on the table in the following way. Through
openings in the ceiling hang three ropes covered with
gilded leather and furnished with golden rings. These
rings are attached to the handles projecting from the
bowls, and with four or five men helping from below,
they are swung on to the table by means of a moveable
device in the ceiling and removed again in the same
fashion. As for the various entertainments I saw
there, it would be too long a task to describe them all,
and so for the moment I pass them by. One, however,
was so remarkable that it will not be out of place to
insert an account of it here.
Ch. IX. A man came in carrying on his head,
without using his hands, a wooden pole twenty-four
feet or. more long, which a foot and a half from the
top had a cross piece three feet wide. Then two
boys appeared, naked except for loin cloths round their
middle, who went up the pole, did various tricks on it,
and then came down head firSt, keeping the pole all
the time as Steady as though it were rooted in the earth.
When one had come down, the other remained on the
pole and performed by himself, which filled me with
even greater astonishment and admiration. While
they were both performing their feat seemed barely
possible; for, wonderful as it was, the evenness of
their weights kept the pole up which they climbed
balanced. But when one remained at the top and
kept his balance so accurately that he could both do
his tricks and come down again without mishap, I
was so bewildered that the emperor himself noticed
my aftonishment. He therefore called an interpreter,
and asked me which seemed the more wonderful, the
boy who had moved so carefully that the pole remained
firm, or the man who had so deftly balanced it on
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Tit-for-Tat
his head that neither the boys’ weight nor their
performance had disturbed it in the leaSt. I said
that I did not know which I thought plus merveilleux
that is, more wonderful ; and he burfl into a loud
laugh and said he was in the same case, he did not
know either.
Ch. X. I do not think that I ought to pass over in
silence another Grange and wonderful sight that I saw
there. In the week before the feafl Vaiophoron,
which we call the FeaSt of Palms, the emperor makes
a payment in gold coins to his vassals and to the
different officers of his court, each one receiving a sum
proportionate to his office. As I wished to be present
at the ceremony, the emperor bade me attend it.
The procedure was as follows. A table was brought
in, fifteen feet long and six feet broad, which had upon
it parcels of money tied up in bags, according to each
man’s due, the amount being written on the outside
of the bag. The recipients then came in and flood
before the king, advancing in order as they were called
up by a herald. The firft to be summoned was the
marshall of the palace, who carried off his money,
not in his hands but on his shoulders, together with
four cloaks of honour. After him came the commander
in chief of the army and the lord high admiral of the
fleet. These being of equal rank received an equal
number of money bags and cloaks, which they did not
carry off on their shoulders but with some assistance
dragged laboriously away. After them came twenty-
four controllers, who each received twenty-four pounds
of gold coins together with two cloaks. Then followed
the order of patricians, of whom every one in turn was
given twelve pounds of gold and one cloak. As I do
not know how many patricians there are, I do not
know the total amount that was paid ; but every one
received an equal share. After them came a huge
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Antapodosis
crowd of minor dignitaries ; knights of the sword of
the firft, second and third class, chamberlains, treasury
and admiralty officials. Some of these received seven
pounds of gold, others six, five, four, three, two and
one, according to their rank. I would not have you
think that this was all done in one day. It began on
the fifth day of the week at six o’clock in the morning
and went on till ten, and the emperor finished his
part in the proceedings on the sixth and seventh day.
Those who take less than a pound receive their share,
not from the emperor, but from the chief chamberlain
during the week before Eafter. While I was standing
and marvelling at the proceedings the emperor sent
his chancellor to me and asked me how the ceremony
pleased me. “ It would please me ”, I replied, “ if
it did me any good. When Dives was in torment the
reft: that he saw Lazarus enjoying would have pleased
him, if it had come his way. As it did not, how,
pray, could it have pleased him ? ” The emperor
smiled in some confusion, and motioned me to come
to him. He then presented me with a large cloak
and a pound of gold coins ; a gift which he willingly
made and I even more willingly accepted.
212
LIBER DE REBUS GESTIS OTTONIS
A Chromcls of Otto’s Riigm
A CHRONICLE OF OTTO’S REIGN
Ch. I. Berengar and Adalbert were reigning, or
rather raging, in Italy, where, to speak the truth, they
exercised the word of tyrannies, when John, the
supreme pontiff and universal pope, whose church had
suffered from the savage cruelty of the aforesaid
Berengar and Adalbert, sent envoys from the holy
church of Rome, in the persons of the cardinal deacon
John and the secretary Azo, to Otto, at that time the
mod serene and pious king and now our augud emperor,
humbly begging him, both by letters and a recital of
fads, for the love of God and the holy apodles Peter
and Paul, whom he hoped would remit his sins, to
rescue him and the holy Roman church entrusted to
him from their jaws, and restore it to its former
prosperity and freedom. While the Roman envoys
were laying these complaints, Waldpert, the venerable
archbishop of the holy church of Milan, having
escaped half-dead from the mad rage of the aforesaid
Berengar and Adalbert, sought the powerful protection
of the above mentioned Otto, at that time king and
now our augud emperor, declaring that he could no
no longer bear or submit to the cruelty of Berengar
and Adalbert and Willa, who contrary to all human
and divine law had appointed Manasses Bishop of
Arles to the see of Milan. He said that it was a
calamity for his church thus to intercept a right that
belonged to him and to his people. After Waldpert
came Waldo Bishop of Como, crying out that he also
had suffered a like insult at the hands of Berengar,
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Chronicle of Otto’S Reign
Adalbert and Willa. With the apoftolic envoys there
also arrived some members of the laity, among them
the illustrious marquess Otbert, asking help and advice
from his moSt sacred majeSty Otto, then king now
emperor.
Ch. II. The moSt pious king was moved by their
tearful complaints, and considered not himself but
the cause of Jesus ChriSt. Therefore, although it was
contrary to cuStom, he appointed his young son Otto
as king, and leaving him in Saxony collected his
forces and marched in haste to Italy. There he drove
Berengar and Adalbert from the realm at once, the
more quickly inasmuch as it is certain that the holy
apoStles Peter and Paul were fighting under his flag.
The good king brought together what had been
scattered and mended what had been broken, restoring
to each man his due possessions. Then he advanced
on Rome to do the same again.
Ch. III. There he was welcomed with marvellous
ceremony and unexampled pomp, and was anointed as
emperor by John the supreme bishop and universal
pope. To the church he not only gave back her
possessions but bestowed lavish gifts of jewels, gold
and silver. Furthermore Pope John and all the
princes of the city swore solemnly on the mofl precious
body of Saint Peter that they would never give help
to Berengar and Adalbert. Thereupon Otto returned
to Pavia with all speed.
Ch. IF. Meanwhile Pope John, forgetful of his
oath and the promise he had made to the sacred
emperor, sent to Adalbert asking him to return and
swearing that he would assist him againfk the power
of the mofl sacred emperor. For the sacred emperor
had so terrified this Adalbert, persecutor of God’s
churches and of Pope John, that he had left Italy
altogether and had gone to Fraxinetum and put
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Chronicle of Otto’s Reign
himself under the protection of the Saracens. The
righteous emperor for his part could not understand
at all why Pope John was now showing such affeftion
to the very man whom previously he had attacked in
bitter hatred. Accordingly he called together some
of his intimates and sent off to Rome to inquire if
this report was true. On his messengers’ arrival they
got this answer, not from a few chance informants,
but from all the citizens of Rome : — “ Pope John
hates the moft sacred emperor, who freed him from
Adalbert’s clutches, for exactly the same reason that
the dev'l hates his creator. The emperor, as we have
learned by experience, knows, works and loves the
things of God : he guards the affairs of church and
ftate with his sword, adorns them by his virtues, and
purifies them by his laws. Pope John is the enemy
of all these things. What we say is a tale well known
to all. As witness to its truth take the widow of
Rainer his own vassal, a woman with whom John has
been so blindly in love that he has made her governor
of many cities and given to her the golden crosses
and cups that are the sacred possessions of St Peter
himself. Witness also the case of Stephana, his
father’s miftress, who recently conceived a child by
him and died of an effusion of blood. If all else
were silent, the palace of the Lateran, that once
sheltered saints and is now a harlot’s brothel, will
never forget his union with his father's wench, the
sifter of the other concubine Stephania. Witness
again the absence of all women here save Romans :
they fear to come and pray at the thresholds of the
holy apoftles, for they have heard how John a little
time ago took women pilgrims by force to his bed,
wives, widows and virgins alike. Witness the churches
of the holy apoftles, whose roof lets the rain in upon
the sacrosanft altar, and that not in drops but in
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Chronicle of Otto’s Reign
sheets. The woodwork fills us with alarm, when we
go there to ask God's help. Death reigns within the
building, and, though we have much to pray for, we
are prevented from going there and soon shall be
forced to abandon God’s house altogether. Witness
the women he keeps, some of them fine ladies who, as
the poet says 1 , are as thin as reeds by dieting, others
everyday buxom wenches. It is all the same to him
whether they walk the pavement or ride in a carriage
and pair . 4 That is the reason why there is the same
disagreement between him and the holy emperor as
there is of necessity between wolves and lambs . 3 That
he may go his way unchecked, he is trying to get
Adalbert, as patron, guardian and protedfor ”.
Ch. F. When the envoys on their return gave this
report to the emperor, he said : — “ He is only a boy,
and will soon alter if good men set him an example.
I hope that honourable reproof and generous persuasion
will quickly cure him of these vices ; and then we
shall say with the prophet : — ‘ This is a change which
the hand of the Higheft has brought ’ ”. He added : —
“ The firffc thing required by circumstances is that we
dislodge Berengar from his position on Montefeltro.
Then let us address some words of fatherly admonition
to the lord pope. His sense of shame, if not his own
wishes, will soon effedf a change in him for the better.
Perchance if he is forced into good ways, he will be
ashamed to get out of them again ”.
Ch. FI. This done, the emperor went on board
ship and sailed down the Po to Ravenna. Thence he
advanced to Montefeltro, sometimes called St Leo’s
Mountain, and besieged the fort in which Berengar
and Willa had taken refuge. Thereupon the afore-
said Pope John sent Leo, then the venerable chief
1 Terence, Eunuchus , II, iii, 24. 2 Juvenal, VI, 350.
3 Horace, Epodes> IV, 1.
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Chronicle of Otto’s Reign
notary of the holy Roman church and now in that
same see successor to Saint Peter chief of the apoStles,
together with Demetrius, one of the moft illustrious
of the Roman princes, as envoy to the holy emperor.
By their mouths he declared that it was not surprising
if in the heat of youth he had hitherto indulged in
childish follies ; but now the time had come when he
would fain live in a different fashion. He also cunning-
ly alleged that the holy emperor had sheltered two of
his disloyal subordinates, Bishop Leo and the cardinal
deacon John, and that he was now breaking his sworn
promise by letting them take an oath of allegiance
not to the Pope but to the Emperor. To the envoys
the emperor gave this answer : “I thank the pope
for the change and improvement in his ways that he
promises. As for the violation of pledges that he
charges me with, judge yourselves if the accusation
be true. We promised to restore all the territory of
Saint Peter that might fall into our hands : and for that
reason we are now striving to drive Berengar with all
his household from yonder fort. How can we restore
this territory to the pope, if we do not firSt wreSfc
it from the hands of violent men and bring it under
our control ? As for Bishop Leo and the cardinal
deacon John, his disloyal subordinates, whom he
accuses us of having welcomed, we have neither seen
them in these days nor welcomed them. The lord
pope sent them to Constantinople to do us damage,
and on their way, we are told, they were taken prisoners
at Capua. We are also informed that with them
was arreSted a certain Saleccus, a Bulgarian by birth
and an Hungarian by training, who is an intimate
friend of the lord pope, and also a reprobate named
Zacheus, a man quite ignorant of all literature sacred
or profane, whom the lord pope has recently consecrated
as bishop, with the intention that he should preach
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Chronicle of Otto’s Reign
to the Hungarians a campaign against us. We would
not have believed that the lord pope would have
adted thus, whoever told us ; but his letter, sealed
with leaden seals and bearing his signature, compels
us to think that it is true
Cb. VII. This done, the emperor sent Landohard
the Saxon bishop of Minden and Liudprand the
Italian bishop of Cremona to Rome in company with
the pope’s envoys, to satisfy the lord pope that no
blame attached to him. Furthermore the righteous
emperor bade the soldiers of their guard to prove the
truth of his words in single combat if the pope refused
to believe him. The aforesaid bishops Landohard and
Liudprand came before the lord pope at Rome, and
although they were received with all due honour they
saw clearly with what scorn and indifference he was
prepared to treat the holy emperor. They explained
everything in order, as they had been told to do, but
the pope refused to be satisfied either with an oath
or with a single combat and persisted in being obdurate.
Still, a week later he craftily sent John, Bishop of
Narni, and Benedict, cardinal deacon, back to the lord
emperor with his envoys, thinking that by their tricks
he could delude a man whom it is exceptionally
difficult to deceive. Before they got back, however,
Adalbert at the pope’s invitation had left Fraxinetum
and reached Civita Vecchia ; whence he set out for
Rome and there, so far from being repudiated by the
pope, as he should have been, received from him an
honourable welcome.
Cb. VIII. While these things were going on, the
fierce heat of the dog days kept the emperor away from
the hills of Rome. But when the sun had entered the
sign of the Virgin and brought a temperate change,
he collected his forces, and at the secret invitation of
the Romans drew near to the city. Yet why do I say
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“ secret ”, when the greater part of the Roman princes
forced their way into the cattle of St Paul and giving
homages invited the holy emperor to enter. Why
make a long tale ? When the emperor pitched his
camp in the vicinity, the pope and Adalbert made
their escape together from Rome. The citizens
welcomed the holy emperor and all his men into their
town, promising again to be loyal and adding under a
Strong oath that they would never eledt or ordain a pope
except with the consent and approval of the auguSfc
Caesar Otto the lord emperor and his son King Otto.
Ch. IX. Three days later at the request of the
bishops and people of Rome a synod was held in the
church of St Peter, attended by the emperor and the
Italian archbishops. The deacon Rodalf a died in place
of Ingelfred patriarch of Aquileia, who had been
siezed by a sudden sickness in that city; Waldpert
came from Milan, Peter from Ravenna ; Archbishop
Adeltac and Landohard, bishop of Minden, represented
Saxony ; Otker, bishop of Spires, France. The
Italian bishops were Hubert of Parma, Liudprand of
Cremona, Hermenard of Reggio ; the Tuscans,
Conrad of Lucca, Everard of Arezzo, the bishops of
Pisa, Sienna, Florence, PiStoia, Peter of Camerino,
the bishop of Spoleto ; the Romans, Gregory of
Albano, Sico of OStia, Benedict of Porto, Lucidus of
Gavio, Theophylatt of Palestrina, Wido of Selva
Candida, Leo of Velletri, Sico of Bieda, Stephen of
Cervetri, John of Nepi, John of Tivoli, John of San
Liberato, Romanus of Ferentino, John of Norma,
John of Veroli, Marinus of Sutri, John of Narni, John
of Sabina, John of Gallese, the bishops of Civita,
CaStellana, Alatri, Orte, John of Anagni, the bishop
of Trevi, Sabbatinus of Terracina. There were also
present : Stephen cardinal archprieft of the parish
Balbina, Dominic of the parish AnaStasia, Peter of the
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Chronicle of Otto’s Reign
parish Damasus, TheophylaSt of the parish Chryso-
gonus, John of the parish Equitius, Peter of the parish
Pamachius, Adrian of the parish Calixtus, John of the
parish Caecilia, Adrian of the parish Lucina, Benedict
of the parish Sixtus, Theophyladt of the parish Four
Crowned Saints, Stephen of the parish Sabina,
Benedict cardinal archdeacon, John deacon, Bonofilius
chief cardinal deacon, George second cardinal deacon,
Stephen assistant, Andrew treasurer, Sergius chief
warden, John sacriStan, Stephen, Theophyladt, Adrian,
Stephen, Benedict, Azo, Adrian, Romanus, Leo,
Benedict, Leo, Leo, Leo notaries, Leo chief of the
school of singers, Benedidl subdeacon in charge of the
offertories, Azo, Benedict, Demetrius, John, Amicus,
Sergius, Benedict, Urgo, John, Benedict subdeacon
and steward, Stephen arch-acolyte with all the acolytes
and diStri& deacons. Representing the princes of
Rome were Stephen son of John, Demetrius Meliosi,
Crescenti de Caballo Marmoreo, John Mizina, Stephen
de Imiza, Theodore de Rufina, John de Primicerio,
Leo de Cazunuli, Rihkard, Pietro de Canapanaria, and
Benedict with his son Bulgamin. The commoner
Peter, also called Imperiola, together with the whole
body of Roman soldiery was in attendance.
Ch. X. When all had taken their seats and complete
silence was established, the holy emperor began thus :
“ How fitting it would have been for the lord pope
John to be present at this glorious holy synod. I ask
you, holy fathers, to give your opinion why he has
refused to attend this great gathering, for you live
as he does and share in all his interests Thereupon
the Roman bishops and the cardinal prieSts and deacons
together with the whole populace said : — “ We are
surprised that your moSt holy wisdom deigns to ask
us this question : even the inhabitants of Iberia and
Babylonia and India know the answer to it. John
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Chronicle of Otto’s Reign
is not now even one of those who come in sheep’s
clothing and within are ravening wolves : his savageness
is manifest, he is openly engaged in the devil’s business,
and he makes no attempt at disguise The emperor
replied : — “ It seems to us right that the charges
against the pope should be brought forward seriatim,
and that the whole synod should then consider what
course we should adopt Thereupon the cardinal
priest Peter got up and testified that he had seen the
pope celebrate mass without himself communicating.
John bishop of Narni and John cardinal deacon then
declared that they had seen the pope ordain a deacon
in a stable and at an improper season. Benedict
cardinal deacon with his fellow deacons and prieSts
said that they knew the pope had been paid for ordain-
ing bishops and that in the city of Todi he had ap-
pointed a bishop for ten years. On the question
of his sacrilege, they said, no inquiries were necessary ;
knowledge of it was a matter of eyesight not of hearsay.
As regards his adultery, though they had no visual
information, they knew for certain that he had carnal
acquaintance with Rainer’s widow, Stephana his
father’s concubine, the widow Anna, and his own niece,
and that he had turned the holy palace into a brothel
and resort for harlots. He had gone hunting publicly :
he had blinded his spiritual father Benedidt who died
of his injuries : he had caused the death of cardinal
subdeacon John by castrating him : he had set houses
on fire and appeared in public equipped with sword,
helmet and cuirass. To all this they testified ; while
everyone, clergy and laity alike, loudly accused him
of drinking wine for love of the devil. At dice, they
said, he asked the aid of Jupiter, Venus, and the other
demons ; he did not celebrate matins nor observe
the canonical hours nor fortify himself with the sign
of the cross.
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Chronicle of Otto’s Reign
Ch. XL When he had heard this, as the Romans
could not underhand his native Saxon tongue, the
emperor bade Liudprand bishop of Cremona to
deliver the following speech in the Latin language to
all the Romans. Accordingly he got up and began
thus : “ It often happens, and we know it by experience
that men set in high positions are besmirched by the
foul tongue of envy : the good displease the bad, even
as the bad displease the good. For this reason we
Hill regard as doubtful the charge againft the pope
which the cardinal deacon Benedict read out and
communicated to you, and we are uncertain whether
it originated from zeal for righteousness or from
impious envy. Therefore, unworthy as I am, by the
authority of the position that has been granted me I
call upon you all by the Lord God, whom no one,
even if he wishes, can deceive, and by his holy mother
the pure virgin Mary, and by the mosl precious body
of the chief of the apoHles, in whose church this is
now being read, caH no foul words againft the lord
pope nor accuse him of anything that he has not really
done and that has not been witnessed by men on whom
we can rely”. Thereupon the bishops, the prieHs,
the deacons, the reH of the clergy, and the whole
Roman people cried out as one man : — “ If Pope John
has not committed all the shameful crimes that the
deacon Benedict read out to us and done things even
worse and more disguHing than those, may the moH
blessed Peter, whose verdidt closes the gates of heaven
againH the unworthy and opens them for the righteous,
never free us from the chains of our sins : may we
be held faH in the bonds of anathema and at the laH
day be set on the left hand with those who said to the
Lord God 1 : * Depart from us, we would have no
knowledge of thy ways \ If you do not give us
1 Job xxi. 14.
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Chronicle of Otto’s Reign
credence, at leaft you ought to believe the army of our
lord the emperor, against whom the pope advanced
five days ago, equipped with sword, shield, helmet
and cuirass. It was only the intervening waters of
the Tiber that saved him from being taken prisoner
in that garb Then the holy emperor said : —
“ There are as many witnesses to that as there are
fighting men in our army So the holy synod
pronounced : “ If it please the holy emperor, let a
letter be sent to the lord pope, that he come here
and purge himself from all these charges There-
upon a letter was sent to him as follows : —
Ch. XII. “ To the supreme pontiff and universal
pope lord John, Otto, august emperor by the grace
of God, together with the archbishops and bishops
of Liguria, Tuscany, Saxony and France, sends
greeting in the name of the Lord. When we came
to Rome in God’s service and inquired of your sons,
the Roman bishops, cardinal priests and deacons, and
the whole body of the people besides, concerning your
absence, and asked them what was the reason that you
were unwilling to see us, the defenders of your church
and your person, they brought out such foul and
filthy tales about you that we should be ashamed of
them, even if they were told about adtors. That
your highness may not remain in complete ignorance
we set down some of them briefly here ; for though
we would fain give them all seriatim, one day is not
enough. Know then that you are charged, not by
a few men but by all the clergy and laity alike, of
homicide, perjury, sacrilege and of the sin of un-
chaftity with your own kinswoman and with two
sifters. They tell me too something that makes me
shudder, that you have drunk wine for love of the
devil, and that in dice you have asked the help of
Jupiter, Venus and the other demons. Therefore we
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Chronicle of Otto’s Reign
earnestly beg your paternal highness not to refuse
under any pretence to come to Rome and clear yourself
of all these charges. If perchance you fear the violence
of a rash multitude, we declare under oath that no
aftion is contemplated contrary to the sanction of the
holy canons.”
Ch. XIII. After reading this letter, the pope sent
the following reply : “ Bishop John, servant of God’s
servants, to all the bishops. We hear say that you
wish to make another pope. If you do, I excom-
municate you by Almighty God, and you have no
power, to ordain no one or celebrate mass ”.
Ch. XIV. When this answer was read in the holy
synod, the following clergy, who had been absent at
the previous meeting, were present : from Lorraine,
Henry Archbishop of Treves ; from Aemilia and
Liguria, Wido of Modena, Gezo of Tortona, Sigulf of
Piacenza. The synod returned the following reply to
the lord pope : — “ To the supreme pontiff and univer-
sal pope lord John, Otto, auguft emperor by the grace
of God, and the holy synod assembled at Rome in
God’s service, send greeting in the Lord’s name.
At our laft meeting of the sixth of November we sent
you a letter containing the charges made against
you by your accusers and their reasons for bringing
them. In the same letter we asked your highness to
come to Rome, as is only juft, and to clear yourself
from these allegations. We have now received your
answer, which is not at all of a kind suited to the
character of this occasion but is more in accordance
with the folly of rank indifference. There could be no
reasonable excuse for not coming to the synod. But
messengers from your highness ought certainly to
have put in an appearance here, and assured us that
you could not attend the holy synod owing to
illness or some such insuperable difficulty. There is
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Chronicle of Otto’s Reign
furthermore a sentence in your letter more fitting for a
ftupid boy than a bishop. You excommunicated us
all if we appointed another bishop to the see of Rome,
and yet gave us power to celebrate the mass and
ordain clerical functionaries. You said : — ‘ You have
no power to ordain no one ’. We always thought, or
rather believed, that two negatives make an affirmative,
if your authority did not weaken the verdiCt of the
authors of old. However, let us reply, not to your
words, but to your meaning. If you do not refuse
to come to the synod and to clear yourself of these
charges, we certainly are prepared to bow to your
authority. But if — which Heaven forbid ! — under any
pretence you refrain from coming and defending
yourself against a capital charge, especially when
there is nothing to flop you, neither a sea voyage, nor
bodily sickness, nor a long journey, then we shall
disregard your excommunication, and rather turn it
upon yourself, as we have juftly the power to do.
Judas, who betrayed, or rather who sold, Our Lord
Jesus ChriCfc, with the other disciples received the
power of binding and loosing from their Master in
these words 1 : — * Verily I say unto you, Whatsoever ye
shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven : and
whatsoever ye shall loose on earth shall be loosed in
heaven ’. As long as Judas was a good man with his
fellow disciples, he had the power to bind and loose.
But when he became a murderer for greed and wished
to destroy all men’s lives, whom then could he loose
that was bound or bind that was loosed save himself,
whom he hanged in the accursed noose ? ” This
letter was written on the twenty-second day of
November and sent by the hand of the cardinal prieCt
Adrian and the cardinal deacon Benedict.
1 I St Matthew, xviii, 18.
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Chronicle or Otto’s Reign
Ch . XV. When these latter arrived at Tivoli, they
could not find the pope : he had gone off into the
country with bow and arrows, and no one could tell
them where he was. Not being able to find him they
returned with the letter to Rome and. the holy synod
met for the third time. On this occasion the emperor
said : “ We have waited for the pope’s appearance,
that we might complain of his conduct towards us in
his presence : but since we are now assured that he
will not attend, we beg you earnestly to listen to an
account of his treacherous behaviour. We hereby
inform you, archbishops, bishops, prieSts, deacons,
clerics, counts, judges and people, that Pope John
being hard pressed by Berengar and Adalbert, our
revolted subjects, sent messengers to us in Saxony,
asking us for the love of God to come to Italy and free
him and the church of St Peter from. their jaws. We
need not tell you how much we did for him with
God’s assistance : you see it to-day for yourselves.
But when by my help he was rescued from their hands
and restored to his proper place, forgetful of the oath
of loyalty which he swore to me on the body of St
Peter, he got Adalbert to come to Rome, defended
him againSt me, Stirred up tumults, and before my
soldiers’ eyes appeared as leader in the campaign
equipped with helmet and cuirass. Let the holy
synod now declare its decision”. Thereupon the
Roman pontiffs and the other clergy and all the
people replied : “ A mischief for which there is no
precedent muSt be cauterized by methods equally
novel. If the pope’s moral corruption only hurt
himself and not others, we should have to bear with
him as beSt we could. But how many chaSte youths
by his example have become unchaSte ? How many
worthy men by association with him have become
reprobates ? We therefore ask your imperial majeSty
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that this monster, whom no virtue redeems from vice,
shall be driven from the holy Roman church, and
another be appointed in his place, who by the example
of his goodly conversation may prove himself both ruler
and benefactor, living rightly himself and setting us
an example of like condudt Then the emperor
said : “ I agree with what you say ; nothing will
please me more than for you to find such a man and
to give him control of this holy universal see
Ch. XVI. At that all cried with one voice : — “ We
eleCt as our shepherd Leo, the venerable chief notary
of the holy Roman church, a man of proved worth
deserving of the highest sacerdotal rank. He shall
be the supreme and universal pope of the holy Roman
church, and we hereby reprobate the apoftate John
because of his vicious life The whole assembly
repeated these words three times, and then with the
emperor’s consent escorted the aforesaid Leo to the
Lateran Palace amid acclamations, and later at the
due season in the church of St Peter elevated him to
the supreme priesthood by holy consecration and took
the oath of loyalty towards him.
Ch. XVII. When this had been arranged the moft
holy emperor, hoping that he could Stay at Rome with
a few men and not wishing the Roman people to be
burdened with a great army, gave many of his soldiers
leave to return home. John, the so-called pope,
hearing of this and knowing how easily the Romans
could be bribed, sent messengers to the city, promising
the people all the wealth of St Peter and the churches,
if they would fall upon the pious emperor and the
lord pope Leo and impiously murder them. Why
make a long tale ? The Romans encouraged, or
rather ensnared by the fewness of the emperor’s
troops and animated by the promised reward, at once
sounded their trumpets and rushed in hot haffce upon
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the emperor to kill him. He met them on the bridge
over the Tiber, which the Romans had barricaded
with waggons. His gallant warriors, well trained in
battle with fearless hearts and fearless swords, leaped
forward among the foe, like hawks falling on a flock
of birds, and drove them off in panic without resistance.
No hiding place, neither basket nor hollow tree trunk
nor filthy sewer, could prated them in their flight.
Down they fell, and as usually happens with such
gallant heroes, mod of their wounds were in the
back. Who of the Romans then would have
escaped from the massacre, had not the holy emperor
yielded to the pity, which they did not deserve,
and called off his men dill thirding for the enemies’
blood.
Ch. XVIII. After they were all vanquished and the
survivors had given hodages, the venerable pope Leo
fell at the emperor’s feet and begged him to give the
hodages back and rely on the people’s loyalty. At the
requed of the venerable pope Leo the holy emperor
gave back the hodages, although he knew that the
Romans would soon dart the trouble I am about to
relate. He also commended the pope to the Romans’
loyalty, a lamb entruded to wolves ; and leaving Rome
hadened towards Camerino and Spoleto where he had
heard that Adalbert was to be found.
Ch. XIX. Meanwhile the women, with whom the
so-called pope John was accudomed to carry on his
voluptuous sports, being many in numbers and noble
in rank, dirred up the Romans to overthrow Leo,
whom God and they themselves had chosen as supreme
and universal pope, and bring John back again into
Rome. This they did ; but by the mercy of God the
venerable pope Leo escaped from their clutches and
with a few attendants made his way to the protection
of the mod pious emperor Otto.
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Ch. XX. The holy emperor was bitterly grieved
at this insult, and to avenge the expulsion of the lord
pope Leo and the foul injuries done by the deposed
John to the cardinal deacon John and the notary Azo,
one of whom had his right hand cut off, and the other
his tongue, two fingers and his nose, he got his army
together again and prepared to return to Rome. But
before the holy emperor’s forces were all assembled,
the Lord decreed that every age should know how
justly Pope John had been repudiated by his bishops
and all the people, and how unjuslly afterwards he had
been welcomed back. One night when John was
disporting himself with some man’s wife outside
Rome, the devil dealt him such a violent blow on the
temples that he died of the injury within a week.
Moreover at the prompting of the devil, who had
struck the blow, he refused the lash sacraments, as I
have frequently heard testified by his friends and
kinsmen who were at his death bed.
Ch. XXI. At his death the Romans, forgetful of
the oath they had taken to the holy emperor, elefted
Benedict cardinal deacon as pope, swearing moreover
that they would never abandon him but would defend
him against the emperor’s might. Thereupon the
emperor invented the city closely and allowed no one
to get out with a whole skin. Siege engines and
famine completed the work, and finally in spite of the
Romans he got possession of the city again, restored
the venerable Leo to his proper place, and bade
Benedict the usurper to appear before him.
Ch. XXII. Accordingly the supreme and universal
pope the lord Leo took his seat in the church of the
Lateran and with him the mo£fc holy emperor Otto,
together with the Roman and Italian bishops, the
archbishops of Lorraine and Saxony, the bishops,
priests, deacons and the whole Roman people whose
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Chronicle of Otto’s Reign
names will be given later. Before them appeared.
Benedict, the usurper of the apostolic chair, brought
in by the men who had elected him and ftill wearing
the pontifical vestments. To him the cardinal arch-
deacon Benedict addressed the following charge : “ By
what authority or by what law, O usurper, are you
now wearing this pontifical raiment, seeing that our
lord the venerable pope Leo is alive and here present,
whom you and we elected to the supreme apoftolic
office when John had been accused and disowned ?
Can you deny that you swore to our lord the emperor
here present that you and the other Romans would
never eledt nor ordain a pope without the consent of
the emperor and his son King Otto ? ” Benedict
replied : — “ Have mercy upon my sin Then the
emperor, revealing by his tears how inclined he was to
mercy, asked the synod not to pass ha£ty judgment
upon Benedict. If he wished and could, let him
answer the questions and defend his case : if he had
neither the wish nor the power but confessed his
guilt, then let him for the fear of God have some mercy
shown to him. Thereupon Benedict flung himself in
ha£fce at the feet of the lord pope Leo and the emperor,
and cried out : “I have sinned in usurping the holy
Roman see He then handed over the papal cloak
and gave the papal Staff which he was holding to pope
Leo, who broke it in pieces and showed it to thepeople.
Next the pope bade Benedict to sit down on the
ground and took from him his chasuble and ftole.
Finally he said to all the bishops : “ We hereby
deprive Benedict, usurper of the holy Roman apoftolic
chair, of all pontifical and priestly office : but by
reason of the clemency of the lord emperor Otto, by
whose help we have been restored to our proper place,
we allow him to keep the rank of deacon, not at Rome
but in exile, which we now adjudge against him
232
DE LEGATIONE CONSTANTINOPOLITANA
The Embassy to Constantinople
THE EMBASSY TO CONSTANTINOPLE
That the Ottos, the invincible auguft emperors of the Romans and
the moft noble Adelaide the auguft empress, may always flourish,
prosper and triumph, is the earneft wish, desire and prayer of Liudprand
bishop of the holy church of Cremona.
Ch. I. What was the reason that you did not
receive my previous letters or messengers the following
account will explain. On the fourth of June we
arrived at Constantinople, and after a miserable
reception, meant as an insult to yourselves, we were
given the moSt miserable and disgusting quarters. The
palace where we were confined was certainly large and
open, but it neither kept out the cold nor afforded
shelter from the heat. Armed soldiers were set to
guard us and prevent my people from going out, and
any others from coming in. This dwelling, only
accessible to us who were shut inside it, was so far
distant from the emperor’s residence that we were
quite out of breath when we walked there — we did
not ride. To add to our troubles, the Greek wine we
found undrinkable because of the mixture in it of
pitch, resin and plaSter. The house itself had no
water and we could not even buy any to quench our
thirSt. All this was a serious “ Oh dear me ! ”, but
there was another “ Oh dear me ” even worse, and
that was our warden, the man who provided us with
our daily wants. If you were to seek another like him,
you certainly would not find him on earth ; you might
perhaps in hell. Like a raging torrent he poured
upon us every calamity, every extortion, every expense,
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The Embassy to Constantinople
every grief and every misery that he could invent. In
our hundred and twenty days not one passed without
bringing to us groaning and lamentation.
Ch. II. On the fourth of June, as I said above, we
arrived at Constantinople and waited with our horses
in heavy rain outside the Carian gate until five o’clock
in the afternoon. At five o’clock Nicephorus ordered
us to be admitted on foot, for he did not think us
worthy to use the horses with which your clemency
had provided us, and we were escorted to the afore-
said hateful, waterless, draughty Stone house. On the
sixth of June, which was the Saturday before PentecoSt,
I was brought before the emperor’s brother Leo,
marshal of the court and chancellor ; and there we
tired ourselves with a fierce argument over your
imperial title. He called you not emperor, which is
Basileus in his tongue, but insultingly Rex, which is
king in ours. I told him that the thing meant was
the same though the word was different, and he then
said that I had come not to make peace but to Stir
up Strife. Finally he got up in a rage, and really
wishing to insult us received your letter not in his
own hand but through an interpreter. He is a man
commanding enough in person but feigning humility :
whereon if a man lean it will pierce his hand.
Ch. III. On the seventh of June, the sacred day of
PentecoSt, I was brought before Nicephorus himself in
the palace called Stephana, that is, the Crown Palace.
He is a monStrosity of a man, a dwarf, fat-headed and
with tiny mole’s eyes ; disfigured by a short, broad,
thick beard half going gray ; disgraced by a neck
scarcely an inch long ; piglike by reason of the big
close briStles on his head ; in colour an Ethiopian and,
as the poet says, 1 “ you would not like to meet him
in the dark ” ; a big belly, a lean posterior, very long
1 Juvenal, V, 54.
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The Embassy to Constantinople
in the hip considering his short Mature, small legs,
fair sized heels and feet ; dressed in a robe made of
fine linen, but old, foul smelling, and discoloured by
age ; shod with Sicyonian slippers ; bold of tongue,
a fox by nature, in perjury and falsehood a Ulysses.
My lords and augush emperors, you always seemed
comely to me ; but how much more comely now !
Always magnificent ; how much more magnificent
now ! Always mighty ; how much more mighty now !
Always clement ; how much more clement now !
Always full of virtues ; how much fuller now ! At
his left, not on a line with him, but much lower down,
sat the two child emperors, once his masters, now his
subjects. He began his speech as follows : —
CL IV. It was our duty and our desire to give you
a courteous and magnificent reception. That, how-
ever, has been rendered impossible by the impiety of
your maSter, who in the guise of an hostile invader has
laid claim to Rome ; has robbed Berengar and Adalbert
of their kingdom contrary to law and right ; has slain
some of the Romans by the sword, some by hanging,
while others he has either blinded or sent into exile ;
and furthermore has tried to subdue to himself by
massacre and conflagration cities belonging to our
empire. His wicked attempts have proved unsuccess-
ful, and so he has sent you, the instigator and furtherer
of this villainy, under pretence of peace to adt comme un
espion , that is, as a spy upon us.
Ch. V. To him I made this reply : “ My master
did not invade the city of Rome by force nor as a
tyrant ; he freed her from a tyrant’s yoke, or rather
from the yoke of many tyrants. Was she not ruled
by effeminate debauchers, and what is even worse and
more shameful, by harlots ? Your power, methinks,
was faSt asleep then ; and the power of your pre-
decessors, who in name alone are called emperors of
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the Romans, while the reality is far different. If they
were powerful, if they were emperors of the Romans,
why did they allow Rome to be in the hands of harlots ?
Were not some of the holy popes banished, others so
distressed that they could not procure their daily
supplies nor money wherewith to give alms ? Did
not Adalbert send insulting letters to your predecessors,
the emperors Romanos and Constantine ? Did he not
rob and plunder the churches of the holy apoStles ?
Who of you emperors, led by zeal for God, troubled
to punish so heinous a crime and bring back the holy
church to its proper State ? You neglefted it, my
maSter did not. From the ends of the world he rose,
and came to Rome, and drove out the ungodly, and
gave back to the vicars of the holy apoStles all their
power and honour. Those who afterwards rose
againSt him and the lord pope, as being violators of
their oath, sacrilegious robbers and torturers of their
lords the popes, in accordance with the decrees of
such Roman emperors as JuStinian, Valentinian,
Theodosius etc., he slew, beheaded, hanged, or exiled.
If he had not done so, he himself would be an impious,
unjuSt, cruel tyrant. It is a known fadt that Berengar
and Adalbert became his vassals and received the
kingdom of Italy with a golden sceptre from his hand
and that they promised fealty under oath in the
presence of your servants, men Still alive and now
dwelling in this city. At the devil’s prompting they
perfidiously broke their word, and therefore he juStly
took their kingdom from them, as being deserters and
rebels. You yourself would have done the same to
men who had sworn fealty and then revolted against
you
Ch. VI. “ But ”, said he, “ there is one of Adalbert’s
vassals here, and he does not acknowledge the truth of
this.” “ If he denies it ”, I replied, “ one of my men,
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at your command, will prove to him to-morrow in
single combat that it is so.” “ Well,” said he, “ he
may, as you declare, have adted justly in this. Explain
now why he attacked the borders of our empire with
war and conflagration. We were friends and were
thinking by marriage to enter into a partnership that
would never be broken.”
Ch. VII. “ The land ”, I answered, “ which you
say belongs to your empire, is proved by race and
language to be part of the kingdom of Italy. The
Lombards held it in their power, and Louis, emperor
of the Lombards or Franks, freed it from the grip of
the Saracens with great slaughter. For seven years
also Landulf, prince of Benevento and Capua, held
it under his control. Nor would it even now have
passed from the yoke of slavery to him and his descen-
dants, had not your emperor Romanos bought at a
great price the friendship of our King Hugh. It was
for this reason also that he made a match between
King Hugh’s baftard daughter and his own nephew
and namesake. I see now that you think it shows
weakness in my master, not generosity, when after
winning Italy and Rome he for so many years left
them to you. The friendly partnership, which you
say you wished to form by a marriage, we hold to be
a fraud and a snare : you ask for a truce, but you have
no real reason to want it nor we to grant it. Come,
let us clear away all trickeries and speak the plain
truth. My master has sent me to you to see if you
will give the daughter of the emperor Romanos and
the empress Theophano to his son, my master the
auguft emperor Otto. If you give me your oath that
the marriage shall take place, I am to affirm to you
under oath that my master in grateful return will
observe to do this and this for you. Moreover he has
already given you, his brother ruler, the be£t pledge
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The Embassy to Constantinople
of friendship by handing over Apulia, which was
subject to his rule. I, to whose suggestion you declare
this mischief was due, intervened in this matter, and
there are as many witnesses to this as there are people
in Apulia.”
Ch. Fill. “ It is paSt seven o’clock,” said Nicephorus
“ and there is a church procession which I muSt
attend. Let us keep to the business before us. We
will give you a reply at some convenient season.”
Ch. IX. I think that I shall have as much pleasure
in describing this procession as my masters will have
in reading of it. A numerous company of tradesmen
and low-born persons, collected on this solemn occasion
to welcome and honour Nicephorus, lined the sides
of the road, like walls, from the palace to Saint Sophia,
tricked out with thin little shields and cheap spears.
As an additional scandal, moSt of the mob assembled
in his honour had marched there with bare feet,
thinking, I suppose, that thus they would better adorn
the sacred procession. His nobles for their part, who
with their master passed through the plebeian and
barefoot multitude, were dressed in tunics that were
too large for them and were also because of their
extreme age full of holes. They would have looked
better if they had worn their ordinary clothes. There
was not a man among them whose grandfather had
owned his tunic when it was new. No one except
Nicephorus wore any jewels or golden ornaments, and
the emperor looked more disgusting than ever in the
regalia that had been designed to suit the persons of
his ancestors. By your life, sires, dearer to me than
my own, one of your nobles’ coStly robes is worth a
hundred or more of these. I was taken to the proces-
sion and given a place on a platform near the singers.
Ch. X. As Nicephorus, like some crawling monSter,
walked along, the singers began to cry out in adulation ;
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The Embassy to Constantinople
“ Behold the morning Star approaches : the day Star
rises : in his eyes the sun’s rays are reflected : Nice-
phorus our prince, the pale death of the Saracens ”.
And then they cried again : “ Long life, long life to
our prince Nicephorus. Adore him, ye nations,
worship him, bow the neck to his greatness How
much more truly might they have sung : — ■“ Come,
you miserable burnt-out coal ; old woman in your
walk, wood-devil in your look ; clodhopper, haunter
of byres, goat-footed, horned, double-limbed ; briStly,
wild, rough, barbarian, harsh, hairy, a rebel, a Cappa-
docian ! So, puffed up by these lying ditties, he
entered St Sophia, his masters the emperors following
at a distance and doing him homage on the ground
with the kiss of peace. His armour bearer, with an
arrow for pen, recorded in the church the era in
progress since the beginning of his reign. So those
who did not see the ceremony know what era it is.
Ch. XI. On this same day he ordered me to be his
gueSt. But as he did not think me worthy to be
placed above any of his nobles, I sat fifteenth from
him and without a table cloth. Not only did no one
of my suite sit at table with me ; they did not even
set eyes upon the house where I was entertained.
At the dinner, which was fairly foul and disgusting,
washed down with oil after the fashion of drunkards
and moistened also with an exceedingly bad fish
liquor, the emperor asked me many questions con-
cerning your power, your dominions and your army.
My answers were sober and truthful ; but he shouted
out : — “ You lie. Your maSter’s soldiers cannot ride
and they do not know how to fight on foot. The
size of their shields, the weight of their cuirasses, the
length of their swords, and the heaviness of their
helmets, does not allow them to fight either way”.
Then with a smile he added : “ Their gluttony also
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The Embassy to Constantinople
prevents them. Their God is their belly, their
courage but wind, their bravery drunkenness. Falling
for them means dissolution, sobriety, panic. Nor has
your mailer any force of ships on the sea. I alone
have really Hout sailors, and I will attack him with my
fleets, dellroy his maritime cities and reduce to ashes
those which have a river near them. Tell me, how
with his small forces will he be able to resill me even
on land ? His son was there : his wife was there :
his Saxons, Swabians, Bavarians and Italians were all
there with him : and yet they had not the skill nor
the Hrength to take one little city that resilled them.
How then will they resiH me when I come followed by
as many forces as there are 1
Corn fields on Gargarus, grapes on Lesbian vine,
Waves in the ocean, ftars in heaven that shine ? ”
Ch. XU. I wanted to answer and make such a
speech in our defence as his boalling deserved ; but
he would not let me and added this final insult :
<£ You are not Romans but Lombards ”. He even
then was anxious to say more and waved his hand to
secure my silence, but I was worked up and cried :
“ Hillory tells us that Romulus, from whom the
Romans get their name, was a fratricide born in
adultery. He made a place of refuge for himself and
received into it insolvent debtors, runaway slaves,
murderers and men who deserved death for their
crimes. This was the sort of crowd whom he enrolled
as citizens and gave them the name of Romans. From
this nobility are descended those men whom you
Hyle ‘ rulers of the world ’. But we Lombards,
Saxons, Franks, Lotharingians, Bavarians, Swabians and
Burgundians, so despise these fellows that when we
are angry with an enemy we can find nothing more
1 Ovid, An Amatoria, X, 57.
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The Embassy to Constantinople
insulting to say than — ‘ You Roman ! ’ For us in the
word Roman is comprehended every form of lowness,
timidity, avarice, luxury, falsehood and vice. You
say that we are unwarlike and know nothing of horse-
manship. Well, if the sins of the Christians merit
that you keep this Stiff neck, the next war will prove
what manner of men you are, and how warlike we ”.
Ch. XIII. Nicephorus, exasperated by these words,
commanded the long narrow table to be removed and
then calling for silence with his hand ordered me to
return to my hateful abode, or, to speak more truly,
to my prison. There two days later, as a result of
my indignation as well as of heat and thirSt, I fell
seriously ill. Indeed there was not one of my com-
panions who, having drunk from the same cup with
me, did not fear that his laft day was approaching.
Why, I ask, should they not sicken ? Their drink
instead of good wine was brackish water; their bed
was not hay, Straw, or even earth, but hard marble ;
their pillow was a Stone ; their draughty house kept
out neither heat nor rain nor cold. Salvation herself,
to use a common expression, if she had poured all
her favours on them, could not have saved them.
Weakened therefore by my own tribulations and those
of my companions I called in our warden, or rather my
persecutor, and by prayers and bribes induced him
to take the following letter to the emperor’s brother :
Ch. XIV. “ Bishop Liudprand to Leo, chancellor
and marshal of the palace. If his serene highness the
emperor intends to grant the requeSt for which I
came, then the sufferings I am now enduring shall
not exhauft my patience : my master however muft
be i n formed by letter and messenger that my ftay
here is not useless. On the other hand, if a refusal
is contemplated, there is a Venetian merchantman
in harbour here juft about to ftart. Let him permit
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The Embassy to Constantinople
me as a sick man to go on board, so that, if the time
of my dissolution be at hand, my native land may
at leaSl receive my corpse.”
Cb. XV. Leo read my letter and gave me an
audience four days later. In accordance with their
rule their wiselb men, Strong in Attic eloquence, sat
with him to discuss your request, namely, Basil the
chief chamberlain, the chief secretary, the chief marker
of the wardrobe, and two other dignitaries. They
began their discourse as follows : “ Tell us, brother,
the reason that induced you to take the trouble to
come here ”. When I told them that it was on
account of the marriage which was to be the ground
for a lasting peace, they said : — “ It is unheard of
that a daughter born in the purple of an emperor
born in the purple should contra# a foreign marriage.
Still, great as is your demand, you shall have what you
want if you give what is proper : Ravenna, namely,
and Rome with all the adjoining territories from
thence to our possessions. If you desire friendship
without the marriage, let your marker permit Rome
to be free, and hand over to their former lord the
princes of Capua and Benevento, who were formerly
slaves of our holy empire and are now rebels ”.
Cb. XVI. To this I answered : — “ Even you cannot
but know that my master rules over Slavonian princes
who are far more powerful than Peter king of the
Bulgarians who has married the daughter of the
emperor Christopher ”. “ Ah,” said they, “ but
Christopher was not born in the purple.”
Cb. XVII. “ As for Rome,” I went on, “ for whose
freedom you are so noisily eager ; who is her maSter ?
To whom does she pay tribute ? Was she not formerly
enslaved to harlots ? And while you were sleeping,
nay powerless, did not my maSter the auguSt emperor
free her from that foul servitude ? ConStantine, the
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The Embassy to Constantinople
auguft emperor who founded this city and called it
after his name, as being ruler of the world made many
offerings to the holy Roman apotolic church, not
only in Italy, but in almot all the wetern kingdoms
as well as those in the eat and south, in Greece,
Judaea, Persia, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Egypt, Libya,
as his own special regulations tetify, preserved in
our country. In Italy, in Saxony, in Bavaria, and in
all my master’s realms, everything that belongs to
the church of the blessed apotles has been handed
over to those holy apostles’ vicar. And if my master
has kept back a single city, farm, vassal or slave, then
I have denied God. Why does not your emperor do
the same ? Why does he not restore to the apotolic
church what lies in his kingdoms and thereby himself
increase the richness and freedom which it already
owes to my master’s exertions and generosity ?
Ch. XVIII. “ He will do so ”, said the chief
chamberlain Basil, “ when Rome and the Roman
church shall be so ordered as he wishes.” Then said
I: — “A certain man having suffered much injury
from another, approached God with these words : —
‘ Lord, avenge me upon my adversary ’. To whom
the Lord said : ‘ I will do so on the day when I shall
render to each man according to his works ’. ‘ How
late that day will be ! ’ the man replied ”.
Ch. XIX. At that everyone except the emperor’s
brother burst into laughter. Then they broke off
the discussion and ordered me to be taken back to my
detestable dwelling place and to be carefully guarded
until the day of the holy apotles, a feat which all
religious persons duly observe. At the ceremony the
emperor commanded me, though I was very ill at
the time, together with the Bulgarian envoys who had
arrived the day before, to meet him at the church of
the holy apotles. After some verbose chants had been
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sung and the mass celebrated, we were invited to
table, where I found placed above me on my side of
the long narrow board the Bulgarian envoy. He was
a fellow with his hair cut in Hungarian fashion, girt
about with a brazen chain, and, as I fancy, juft
admitted into the Christian faith : the preference
given to him over me was plainly meant as an insult
to you, my auguft masters. On your account I was
despised, rejected and scorned. I thank the Lord
Jesus Chriffc, whom you serve with all your heart, that
I have been considered worthy to suffer insults for
your sake. However, my masters, I considered that
the insult was done to you, not to me, and I therefore
left the table. I was juft going indignantly away
when Leo, the emperor’s brother, marshal of the
court, and Simeon the chief secretary came after me,
howling : “ When Peter king of the Bulgarians
married Chriftopher’s daughter, a mutual agreement
was sworn to on both sides, to the effedt that envoys
of the Bulgarians should with us be preferred, honoured
and efteemed above the envoys of all other nations.
What you say is true : the Bulgarian envoy over there
has his hair cut short, he has not washed himself, and
his girdle consifts of a brass chain. But nevertheless he
is a patrician and we are definitely of opinion that it
would be wrong to give a bishop, especially a Frankish
bishop, the preference over him. We have noticed
your show of indignation and we are not going to allow
you to return to your lodgings, as you suppose ; we
shall force you to take food with the emperor’s servants
in an inn.
Ch. XX. My mental anguish was so unparalleled
that I could not answer them back but did what they
ordered, judging that table no fit place for me, seeing
that there a Bulgarian envoy was preferred, I will not
say to myself personally, that is, to Bishop Liudprand,
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but to your representative. But my indignation was
appeased by a handsome present ! The sacred
emperor sent me one of his mod delicate dishes, a fat
goat, of which he himself had partaken, richly buffed
with garlic onion and leeks, and swimming in fish
sauce. I wish, sires, that you could have had it on
your table. The sight of it, I am sure, would have
banished any incredulity you have felt concerning the
sacred emperor’s luxurious ways.
Ch. XXI. When eight days had passed and the
Bulgarians had left the city, Nicephorus, thinking that
I esteemed his table highly, compelled me in spite of
my ill health to dine with him again in the same place.
The patriarch with several other bishops was present,
and before them he propounded to me many questions
concerning the Holy Scriptures, which, under the
inspiration of the sacred spirit, I elegantly answered.
Finally, wishing to make merry over you, he asked
what synods we recognized. Those of Nicaea,
Chalcedon, Ephesus, Carthage, Antioch, Ancyra, and
Constantinople, I replied. “ Ha, ha,” said he, “ you
have forgotten to mention Saxony. If you ask me, the
reason why our books do not mention it either is that
the Christian faith there is too young to have been
able to reach us ”.
Ch. XXII. I answered : “ On that member of the
body where the malady has its seat a cautery must be
used. All the heresies have emanated from you and
among you have flourished ; by our weStern peoples
they have been either Strangled or killed. Synods have
often been held at Rome and Pavia, but I do not count
them here. It was a Roman cleric, he whom you call
Dialogus, who afterwards became the universal Pope
Gregory, that freed the heretic Eutychius, patriarch of
Constantinople, from his error. Eutychius said, and
not only said but in his teachings, sermons and writings
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proclaimed, that at the Resurrection we should put on
not the real flesh that we have here, but a certain
fantastic substance of his own imagination. . The book
that set forth this heresy was burned in the interests of
orthodoxy by Gregory. Moreover, Ennodius, Bishop
of Pavia, was sent here, that is, to Constantinople, by
the patriarch of Rome, to deal with a certain other
heresy, which he repressed and restored the orthodox
catholic doctrine. As for the Saxon people, since they
received the holy baptism and the knowledge of God,
they have not been Stained by any heresy which
rendered a synod necessary for its correction ; of
heresies we have had none. You declare that our
Saxon faith is young, and I agree. Faith in ChriSt is
always young and not old among people whose faith is
seconded by works. Here faith is old, not young ;
works do not accompany it, and by reason of its age
it is held in light eSteem like a worn-out garment. I
know for certain of one synod held in Saxony where it
was enaCted and decreed that it was more seemly to
fight with the sword than with the pen, and better to
face death than to fly before a foe. Your own army is
finding that out now And in my own mind I said :
“ May it soon find out by experience how warlike our
men are ”.
Ch. XXIII. He ordered me that same afternoon to
attend him on his return to the palace, although I was
so weak and changed that the women who before when
they met me used to call out in admiration “ Holy
Mother ”, now, pitying my misery, beat their breads
with their hands and cried : “ Oh, the poor sick man ”.
I hope that what I prayed for him as he approached me
may happen ; and I hope, sires, that what I prayed for
you in your absence with hands lifted up to heaven
may be granted also. Still, he made me laugh heartily ;
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and you may well believe it, for though he is such a
pygmy, he was riding a restless horse without a bridle,
a very small man on a very big beast. My mind
pictured to itself one of those dolls which your
Slavonians tie on to a foal’s back, allowing it then to
follow its mother unbridled.
Ch. XXIV. After this I was taken back to the five
lions 1 who were my fellow-citizens and housemates in
the aforesaid hateful house, and for the next three weeks
received no visits nor held any conversation with anyone
but my companions. I pictured to myself that
Nicephorus meant never to let me go, and my boundless
depression so brought on illness after illness that I
should have died had not the Mother of God by her
prayers won my life from the Creator and His Son.
This was shown to me in a true, not an imagined,
vision.
Ch. XXV. During these three weeks Nicephorus was
flaying outside Constantinople at a place called “ The
Fountains ”, and thither he bade me come. I was so
ill that even sitting, and much more Standing, was a
burden ; but he compelled me to Stand before him with
uncovered head, a thing which was very wrong in my
weak health. He then said : The envoys of your
maSter King Otto who were here before you laSt year
promised me under oath — and the wording of the oath
is extant — that they would never in any way cause
scandal in our empire. Do you want a greater scandal
than that he should call himself emperor and claim for
himself provinces belonging to our empire ? Both
these things are intolerable ; and if both are insupport-
able, that especially is not to be borne, nay, not to be
heard of, that he calls himself emperor. If you will,
confirm their undertaking our majeSty will Straightway
let you go enriched with a full purse ”. This he said,
1 Cf. Antapodosis , ri, 5.
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not because he thought that you would keep such an
engagement, even if I were foolish enough to make it,
but because he wanted to have in hand something
which in the future he might bring forward to his own
glory and our discredit.
Ch. XXVI. To him I gave this answer : “ My mod
holy master, a man of wisdom and full of the spirit of
God, foreseeing this demand and fearing left I might
transcend the bounds he set for me, gave me written
instructions which he also signed with his own seal left
I should contravene them — What I relied on in
saying this, my auguft mafter, is known to you . — “ Let
those inftruCtions be produced, and whatever they order
I will confirm by oath. But as regards anything that
our former envoys promised, swore or wrote without
their mafter’s authority, in the words of Plato : ‘ the
responsibility refts with the chooser, the god is free
from blame ’
Ch. XXVII. When this topic was finished we came
to the matter of the moft noble princes of Capua and
Benevento, whom he calls his slaves and is troubled by
an inward pain on their account. “ Your mafter ”,
said he, “ has taken my slaves under his protection. If
he will not let them go and reftore them to their former
servitude, he will forfeit my friendship. They them-
selves demand to be taken into our empire again ; but
our empire refuses their requeft, so that they may
learn by experience how dangerous it is for slaves to
skulk away from their mafters and try to escape from
servitude. It would be more seemly for your mafter
to hand them over as a friend than to have to give
them up againft his will. They shall indeed learn, if
life be granted me, what comes of cheating your lord
and failing in your duty as a slave. Even now, I think,
they are feeling what I say ; my soldiers across the sea
are putting my words into effeft ”.
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Ch. XXVIII. To this he would not allow me to
reply. I was anxious to go away, but he ordered me
to return to his table. His father sat with him, a
man, it seemed to me, a hundred and fifty years old.
For him, as for his son, the Greets cry out in hymns of
praise, or rather of blatant folly, “ May God multiply
your years ”. We may infer from this how senseless
the Greeks are, how fond of such windy talk, how apt
at flattery, and how greedy. Not merely is he an old
man, but he has one foot in the grave ; and yet they
pray for him something that they know for certain
nature will not allow. The old tombstone himself
rejoices that they are asking on his behalf for what he
knows God will not grant, something that, if God did
grant it, would be a curse, and not a blessing. Nice-
phorus, for his part, takes pleasure in being hailed as
“ Prince of Peace ” and “ Morning Star.” To call a
weakling strong, a fool wise, a pygmy a giant, a black
man white, a sinner a saint, is not praise, believe me,
but contumely. And he who takes more pleasure in
false attributes than in real is exactly like those birds
whose sight is blinded by the light of day and illumined
by the shades of night.
Ch. XXIX. But I musi return to my subject. At
this meal — a thing that he had not done before — he
ordered a homily of St. John Chrysodom on the Ads
of the Apodles to be read aloud. After the reading
was ended, I asked for permission to return to you ;
but though he nodded affirmatively, he told my
persecutor to take me back to my housemates and fellow
citizens, the lions. This was done, and I had no
further audience with him until the twentieth day of
July, being kept under close guard, led I might in
conversation chance upon news of his movements.
Meanwhile he ordered Grimizo, Adalbert’s envoy, to
be brought to him, and gave him indru&ions to return
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to Italy with an imperial expeditionary force. This
consifted of twenty-four fire-ships, two filled with
Russian troops, and two with Galatians ; I do not
know if he sent any more, I did not see them. The
bravery of your soldiers, my masters and august
emperors, needs no encouragement from the thought
of their enemies’ weakness, although this has often been
the case with other nations, the feeblest of whom,
lacking comparatively all strength, have frequently
routed this Greek courage and made it pay them tribute.
Juft as it would not frighten you if I were to describe
them as valiant heroes caft in the mould of the great
Alexander, so I am not going to fire your spirits when
I tell you of their weakness, real as it is. I would have
you believe me, and you will believe me, I know, when
I say that you with four hundred of your men would
slaughter the whole expedition if there were no
ditches or walls in the way. As general of this force — •
to make a mock of you, I think — he has appointed a
man of sorts — I say of sorts because the fellow has
ceased to be a male and has not been able to become a
female. Adalbert has sent word to Nicephorus that
he has eight thousand men at arms and that with the
help of the Greek army they can rout or deftroy you.
He has also asked your rival to send him some money,
so that he may urge his men the more eagerly to the fray.
Ch. XXX. Now, my mafters, “learn the wiles of
the Greeks, and from one crime know them all”. 1
Nicephorus gave the slave, to whom he had handed
over this higgledy-piggledy hireling hoft, a considerable
sum of money, to be disposed of as follows. If
Adalbert should join him, as he had promised, with
seven thousand men at arms and more, then he was to
distribute it as a donative amongft them. Adalbert’s
brother Cona with his and the Greek army was to
1 Virgil Aencid II. 6;.
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attack you, but Adalbert was to be kept under close
guard at Bari until his brother should return vi&orious.
If, however, Adalbert did not bring with him the seven
thousand men promised, the instructions were that he
should be seized, bound and handed over to you on
your arrival ; moreover that the money originally
destined for him should be paid into your hands.
What a warrior ! What loyalty ! He wishes to betray
the man for whom he prepares a defender ; he prepares
a defender for him whom he wishes to destroy. He is
loyal to neither, disloyal to both. He does what he
did not need to do ; he needed to do what he has not
done. But so be it ! He has a&ed as becomes a
Greek ! I mud return to my subject.
Ch. XXXI. On the nineteenth of July he sent off his
motley fleet, I viewing the spedtacle from my detectable
abode. The next morning, that being the day on
which these flippant Greeks celebrate the ascension of
the prophet Elijah with Ctage plays, he ordered me
again to attend upon him, and said : “ Our imperial
majeCty is thinking of leading an army againd the
Assyrians, not, as your maCter does, againft followers
of ChriCfc. Laft year I meant to do so, but hearing
that your maCter intended to invade the territory of
our empire, we let the Assyrians go and wheeled round
sharp upon him. His envoy, the Venetian Dominic,
met us in Macedonia, and with much labour and
exertion, tricked us into returning, since he affirmed
with an oath that your maCter would never think of
such a thing, much less do it. Return therefore
now ” — when I heard that I said “ Thank God ” to
myself — “and give this, and this message to your
maCter. If he satisfies my requirements, you may
come back ”.
Ch. XXXII. To him I gave this reply : “ Were
your mod sacred majeCty to bid me fly to Italy, my
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maSter assuredly would fulfil all your majesty’s wishes,
and I should return rejoicing to you With what
purpose I said this did not, alas, escape him. He
nodded his head with a smile, and as I was bowing to
the earth in homage and preparing to take my leave
bade me wait outside and have dinner with him, a
dinner which smelt strongly of garlic and onions and
was filthy with oil and fish sauce. On this day by
urgent prayers I induced him graciously to accept a
present from me, a thing which before hehad frequently
refused to do.
Ch. XXXIII. While we were sitting at table, a table
which had length without breadth and was covered
over for a rod’s breadth but was practically bare down
its length, he made merry over the Franks, including
the Germans as well as the Latins under that name, and
asked me to tell him where the chief city of my bishopric
was situated and in what name it rejoiced. “It is
called Cremona ”, I replied, “ and it is quite close to
Po, the king of all Italian rivers. As your majesty is
preparing in haSte to send your war galleys to that
country, let me reap some advantage from having
already made your acquaintance. Grant Cremona the
blessings of peace, and of your grace allow it existence,
seeing that resistance to you is impossible The
cunning rogue saw that I was speaking ironically, and
■lowering his eyes promised he would do what I asked.
He swore furthermore by the virtue of his sacred
majeSty that no harm should come to me and that his
galleys would convey me speedily and safely to the
harbour of Ancona. On this he took his oath, Striking
his breaft with his fingers.
Ch. XXXIV. But mark how foul was his perjury.
His conversation took place on Monday, the twentieth
of July, and for the next nine days I received no
supplies from him at all. This too was at a time when
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the famine at Constantinople was so severe that three
gold pieces were insufficient to provide one meal for
my twenty-five attendants and our four Greek guards.
On the fourth day of that week Nicephorus left
Constantinople to march againSt the Assyrians.
Ch. XXXV. On the fifth day his brother summoned
me and addressed me thus : “ His sacred majeSty has
gone forth, and at his orders I have remained at home
to-day. Tell me then now if you desire to see his
sacred majeSty or if you have anything to say which
you have not as yet brought forward ”. To that I
said : “ I have no reason for asking an interview with
his sacred majeSty nor have I anything fresh to say.
My one requeSt is that in accordance with his sacred
majeSty’s promise I be conveyed on his war galleys to
the harbour of Ancona On hearing this — the
Greeks are always ready to swear by the head of another
— he began to swear that he would carry out the
promise by the head of the emperor, by his own life
and by his children — may God’s protection for them be
suited to the truth of his words ! I asked him :
“ When ? ” and he replied : “ As soon as the emperor
has gone ; the admiral of the fleet, who has sole control
in naval matters, will see to your business direCtly
after his majesty’s departure Deceived by this
hope I went away from him rejoicing.
Ch. XXXVI. Two days later, however, on the
Saturday Nicephorus bade me attend him at Umbria, a
place eighteen miles distant from Constantinople.
He there addressed me thus : “ I thought that you, as
a man of rank and honour, had come here to fulfil my
wishes and establish a perpetual friendship between me
and your maSter. Since by reason of the hardness of
your heart you are unwilling to do this, at leaSt bring
about one thing, which you can with perfeCt juftice
arrange. Promise me that your maSter will give no
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help to the princes of Capua and Benevento, my slaves,
whom I am arranging to attack. As he offers me
nothing that is his, let him at leaf! give up what is
mine. It is a known fact that their fathers and their
grandfathers paid tribute to our empire, and my
imperial forces will see to it that they themselves soon
do the same To that I answered : “ These princes
are men of high nobility and my master’s vassals. If
he sees an army of yours attacking them, he will send
them such a force as will annihilate your expedition and
take the two oversea provinces from you Then,
swelling like a toad with anger, he cried : “ Go away.
By my life, and by my parents who begat me to be the
man I am, I will soon give your master other things to
think about than protecting rebellious slaves ”.
Cb. XXXVII. I was juft leaving him when he bade me
sit down to dinner with the interpreter ; and summon-
ing the brother of the two princes and Bysantius of Bari,
ordered them to vomit gross insults againft yourselves
and againft the Latin and German nations. On my
departure, however, from the disgufting meal they sent
messengers to me secretly and swore that their yelpings
were not voluntary but due to the emperor’s wishes and
threats. Nicephorus himself at the same dinner, asked
me if you had parks and if in your parks you had wild
asses and other animals. When I told him you had
parks and animals in the parks, but no wild asses, he
said : “ I will take you into our park and you will be
surprised both at its size and at the wild asses it
contains ”. I was accordingly taken to a park which
was fairly large and hilly andfull of bushes, but not at all
picturesque. I was riding along with my hat on when
the marshall of the palace saw me and sent his son in
hafte to say that it was not permitted for any one to
wear a hat in the emperor’s presence and that I muff
put on a bonnet. I answered : “ Women with us
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wear bonnets and hoods when they are out riding, men
wear hats. You have no right to compel me to
change the cudom of my country here, seeing that we
allow your envoys when they come to us to keep to
their ways. They wear long sleeves, bands, brooches,
flowing hair, and tunics down to their heels, both when
they ride or walk or sit at table with us ; and what to
all of us seems quite too shameful, they alone kiss our
emperors with covered heads ”. And then I said to
myself : “ May God forbid it in the future ”.
“ Well ”, said he, “ you muff go back.”
Ch. XXXVIII. As I was doing so I met their so-called
wild asses, in a herd with some roe deer. But why, I
ask, wild asses ? Our tame ones at Cremona are juft
like them. Their colour and shape are the same ; both
have long ears, both are equally melodious when they
begin to bray ; they are alike in size and in swiftness,
and wolves find each kind equally delicious. When I
saw them I said to the Greek who was riding with me :
“ I never saw the like in Saxony ”. “ Ah ”, he replied,
“ if your master be complaisant to his sacred majelty, he
will give him many such ; and it will be no small glory
for him to possess something that none of his illustrious
predecessors had even seen ”. But believe me, my
august mailers, my brother and fellow bishop Antony
can supply beasts quite as good as these — witness the
market at Cremona — and his walk the Streets not as
wild asses but as tame ones, and inStead of roaming
idle they carry loads upon their backs. However, when
my companion told Nicephorus what I had. said, he
sent me two wild goats and gave me permission to
go. On the following day he himself set out for
Syria.
Ch. XXXIX. Pray now mark why he led his army
againSt the Assyrians. The Greeks and Saracens have
certain writings which they call The Visions of Daniel ;
2 57
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The Embassy to Constantinople
I should call them Sibylline Books. In them is found
written how many years each emperor shall live ; what
crisis will occur during his reign ; whether he shall have
peace or war and whether fortune will smile upon the
Saracens or not. According to these prophecies the
Assyrians in the time of the present emperor Nicephorus
will not be able to resift the Greeks, but Nicephorus
himself will only live for seven years. After his death
an emperor will rise worse than he — only I fear that
none such can be found — and more unwarlike ; in
whose time the Assyrians shall so prevail that they
will bring under their rule all the country as far as
Chalcedon, which is not far from Constantinople.
Both peoples pay serious heed to these dates • and so
now for one and the same reason the Greeks are
pressing vigorously forward and the Saracens in despair
offer no resiftance, awaiting the time then they will
attack and the Greeks in turn not resift.
Ch. XL. A certain Sicilian bishop named Hippo-
lytus 1 wrote similarly concerning your empire and our
people — I call “ our people ” all those who are under
your rule — and I pray that what he wrote about these
present times may turn out true. His other
prophecies, as I have heard from those who know his
books, have all been fulfilled. One of his many
sayings may be here mentioned. He says that in these
days the writing shall be fulfilled — “ The lion and his
whelp shall together exterminate the wild ass.” The
Greeks interpret this as follows. Leo — that is, the
Emperor of the Romans or the Greeks — and his whelp
— the king, namely, of the Franks — shall together in
these days drive out the wild ass — that is, the African
king of the Saracens. But their interpretation does
not seem to me to be true. The lion and his whelp
1 Hippolytua, author of De AnttcbriBo , bishop of Rome ; died in exile in Sardinia
a.d. 235.
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differ in size, but are of one nature, species, and kind ;
and to the beft of my knowledge it seems irrational to
make the lion the emperor of the Greeks and his whelp
the king of the Franks. Both these rulers are men, as
the lion and his whelp are both animals ; but they
differ from one another in character as much — I will
not say as one species differs from another — but as
rational beings differ from those devoid of reason.
The whelp differs from the lion only in age ; the form
is the same, the fury is the same, the roar the same.
The king of the Greeks has long hair and wears a tunic
with long sleeves and a bonnet ; he is lying, crafty,
merciless, foxy, proud, falsely humble, miserly and
greedy ; he eats garlic, onions and leeks, and he drinks
bath water. The king of the Franks, on the other
hand, is beautifully shorn, and wears a garment quite
different from a woman’s dress and a hat ; he is truthful,
guileless, merciful when right, severe when necessary,
always truly humble, never miserly ; he does not live
on garlic, onions and leeks nor does he spare animals’
lives so as to heap up money by selling instead of eating
them. You have heard the difference : do not accept
the Greek interpretation ; it either refers to the future,
or it is not true. It is impossible that Nicephorus, as
they falsely say, should be the lion and Otto the whelp,
and that they together should exterminate anyone.
“ Sooner shall the Parthians and the Germans traverse
one another’s lands and in exile drink the one from the
Arar and the other from the Tigris ”, x than that
Nicephorus and Otto should join in friendship and
confirm a treaty of union.
Cb. XLI. You have heard the Greek interpretation ;
now hear that of Liudprand, bishop of Cremona. I
say — and not merely do I say but I affirm — that if the
writing is to be fulfilled in these days, the lion and his
1 Virgil, Eclogues, I, 62,
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whelp are the father and the son, Otto and Otto,
unlike in nothing, only differing in age ; and they shall
together at this time exterminate the wild ass Nice-
phorus ; who not unsuitably is compared to a wild ass
by reason of his vain and empty boatings and his
incestuous marriage with his mistress and fellow god-
parent. If this wild ass be not exterminated by our
lion and his whelp— namely by Otto and Otto, father
and son, the august: emperors of the Romans — then
that which Hippolytus wrote will not be true. The
Greek interpretation mentioned above muSt be entirely
discarded. O blessed Jesus, eternal God, Word of the
Father, who doSt speak to us, unworthy as we are, not
by voice but by inspiration, mayeSfc Thou decree no
other interpretation of this sentence than mine.
Command that our lion and his whelp exterminate and
humble this wild ass in his mortal life, so that at the
Day of the Lord his soul may be saved, returning to
its proper place and making submission to his masters
the emperors Basil and Constantine !
Ch. XLII. Astronomers also make the same pro-
nouncement as this in relation to yourselves and
Nicephorus. It is truly wonderful. I have spoken
with a certain aStronomer who exactly described to me
your figure and habits, and those, sire, of your auguSt
namesake ; and also told me of everything that has
happened to me in the paSt as though it had happened
that day. There was not a single friend or enemy,
whom I thought of asking him about, whose appearance
figure and habits he could not describe. He foretold
every disaster that has occurred to me on this journey.
Even though everything else he said prove false, I
pray that one thing be true — I mean, what he foretold
you would do to Nicephorus. O may it come to pass !
O may it come to pass ! Then I shall feel that all the
wrongs I have suffered are as nothing.
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The Embassy to Constantinople
Ch. XLI1I. The aforesaid Hippolytus writes also
that not the Greeks but the Franks shall crush the
Saracens. Encouraged by this prophecy the Saracens
three years ago engaged in battle in Sicilian waters near
Scylla and Chary bdis with the patrician Manuel,
nephew of Nicephorus. They overcame his immense
forces, and taking Manuel prisoner killed him and hung
up his headless corpse. As for his fellow-admiral, a
gentleman who was of neither gender, they disdained to
put him to death ; they put him in chains and after he
was wafted by long years of imprisonment they sold him
for a price which no sane man would have given for a
creature of his kind. Encouraged by this same
prophecy they soon afterwards attacked the general
Exacontes with equal resolution, and putting him to
flight completely deftroyed his army.
Ch. XLIV. Another reason also compelled Nice-
phorus to lead his army againft the Assyrians at this
moment. By the will of God this year a famine had so
wafted all the Greek territory that one gold piece did
not purchase two of our Pavian measures of corn ; and
this in the very realm of plenty. This misfortune,
in which field mice played their part, Nicephorus
increased by collefting for himself at harveft time all
the available corn and paying the wretched owners a
very low price for it. In the Mesopotamian diftrift,
where there was an absence of mice, the crops were
abundant, and the amount of corn he got from there
equalled the amount of the sands of the sea. As the
result of this mean transaction famine raged shamefully
everywhere, and so he brought together eighty thousand
men under pretence of a military expedition, and for
one whole month went on selling for two gold pieces
what he had bought for one. These, my mafter, are
the reasons which compelled Nicephorus to lead his
forces againft the Assyrians juft at this moment. And
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what forces ! They are not really men ; they are
dummies ; their tongues are saucy, but “ cold are their
hands in war.” 1 Nicephorus did not look for quality
in them, but only for quantity. How dangerous this
will be for him he will learn to his sorrow, when his
unwarlike hoSt, relying only on its size, shall be put to
flight by a handful of our men who have both knowledge
and appetite for fighting.
Cb. XLV. When you were besieging Bari, not more
than three hundred Hungarians laid hands on five
hundred Greeks near Thessalonica and haled them off
into Hungary. Their success induced two hundred
Hungarians in Macedonia, not far from Constantinople,
to attempt a similar feat ; but forty of them, retiring
carelessly along a narrow pass, were taken prisoners.
These men Nicephorus has released from prison, and
dressing them in the moSt coStly garments has made
them fas bodyguard and defenders, to go with him
againSt the Assyrians. What sort of an army it is
you can infer from this fa£t : the chief officers come
from Venice and Amalfi !
Cb. XLV I. But I muSt resume my Story and tell
you what happened to me next. On the twenty-
seventh of July at Umbria, outside Constantinople, I
received permission from Nicephorus to return to you.
On my arrival at Constantinople, however, I was told
by the patrician Christopher, the eunuch who repre-
sented Nicephorus there, that I could not Start juSt
then. The Saracens were holding the sea, he said,
and the Hungarians the land ; I should have to wait
till they retired. Both of his Statements, alas, were
lies ! The next thing was that guards were set to
prevent myself and my companions from leaving our
house. The poor of Latin speech who came to me for
alms they seized and slew or put in prison. They
1 Virgil, Jerteid , XI, 338.
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would not allow our Greek interpreter to go out, even
to buy supplies ; and so our cook had to go, although
he knew no Greek and could only speak to the vendor,
when he bought from him, with signs on his fingers or
nods of his head instead of words. He bought for four
shillings about as much food as the interpreter got for
one. Some of my friends sent me spices, bread, wine
and fruit ; they flung everything on the ground and
drove the messengers away with their backs loaded with
blows. Had not God’s pity prepared before me a
table againft my adversaries, I should have had to
accept the death they devised for me. But He who
permitted me to be thus tried, mercifully gave me power
to endure. Such were the trials and tribulations I
suffered at Constantinople from the fourth of June
until the second of October, a period of one hundred
and twenty days.
Ch. XLVI1. To increase my calamities, on the day
of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary the holy mother
of God, an ill-omened embassy came from the apoStolic
and universal Pope John with a letter asking Nicephorus
“ the emperor of the Greeks ” to conclude an alliance
and firm friendship with his beloved and spiritual son
Otto, “ auguSt emperor of the Romans ”. If you ask
me why these words, and manner of address, which to
the Greeks seem sinful audacity, did not coffc the bearer
liis life and overwhelm it even before they w ere read,
I cannot answer. On other points I have often shown
a fine and copious flow of words ; on this I am as
dumb as a fish. The Greeks abused the sea, cursed
the waves, and wondered exceedingly how they
could have transported such an iniquity, and why
the deep had not opened to swallow up the ship.
“ The audacity of it ! ” they cried, “ to call the
universal emperor of the Romans, the one and only
Nicephorus, the great, the auguft * emperor of the
Greeks and to ftyle a poor barbaric creature ‘ emperor
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of the Romans ! ’ O sky ? O earth ! O sea ! What
shall we do with these scoundrels and criminals ? They
are paupers, and if we kill them we pollute our hands
with vile blood ; they are ragged, they are slaves, they
are peasants ; if we beat them we disgrace not them but
ourselves ; they are not worthy of our gilded Roman
scourge, or of any punishment of that kind. Would
that one of them were a bishop and the other a
marquess ! Then we would sew them in a sack, and
after giving them a sound beating with rods and
plucking out their beards and hair we would throw
them into the sea. As for these fellows, their lives
may be spared ; but they shall be kept in close custody
until Nicephorus, the sacred emperor of the Romans,
be informed of these insults. ”
Ch. XLVIII. When I heard of this I considered
them happy in their poverty, myself unhappy in my
riches. At home my own desire excused my lack of
wealth ; in Constantinople fear taught me that I had
the gold of Croesus. Poverty had always seemed
burdensome ; but then it appeared light, acceptable,
desirable ; in any case desirable, since it saved its
votaries from death, its followers from the whip.
But since at Constantinople alone poverty thus defends
its children, may it there alone be cherished !
Ch. XLIX. The pope’s envoys were therefore put
in prison and the offensive letter sent to Nicephorus
in Mesopotamia. No one returned with an answer
from him until the twelfth of September, and then I
was not informed of its purport. Two days later, that
is, on the fourteenth of September, by dint of prayers
and bribes, I secured permission to adore the cross that
gives us life and salvation. Amid the noisy crowd
some persons approached me unnoticed by my guards
and cheered my sad heart with words of furtive
consolation.
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Ch. L. On the seventeenth of September, however,
though I was but half wap between life and death, I
was summoned to the palace. The patrician eunuch
Christopher with three other officials was there, and
when I arrived he rose to his feet and gave me a
courteous reception. Their discourse began as follows :
“ The pallor of pour face, the emaciation of pour whole
bodp, the unusual length of pour hair and beard, all
reveal the immense pain that is in pour heart because
the date of pour return to pour master has been
delaped. But be not angrp with the sacred emperor,
we prap, nor pet with us. The cause of pour delap is
this. The Pope of Rome — if indeed he map be called
pope when he has held communion and miniStrp with
Alberic’s son, the apoftate, the adulter, the sacrilegious
— has sent a letter to our moSh sacred emperor, worthp
of himself and unworthp of Nicephorus, calling him
emperor of 4 the Greeks ’, and not ‘ of the Romans \
Certainement this has been done at pour master’s
instigation ”.
Ch. LI. “ What’s this I hear ! ” said I to mpself.
“ I am loft.” Assuredlp now I shall be marched off
Straight into court.” “ Listen ”, thep continued, “ we
know pou mean to tell us that the pope is the moStStupid
of men.” “ I do not sap so ”, interposed I. “ Liften !
The sillp blockhead of a pope does not know that the
sacred Conftantine transferred to this citp the imperial
sceptre, the senate, and all the Roman knighthood, and
left in Rome nothing but vile slaves, fishermen,
confedtioners, poulterers, baftards, plebeians, under-
lings. He never would have written this letter if pour
king had not suggested it ; and how dangerous for
both of them it will be, unless thep come to their
senses, the immediate future will show.” “ But the
pope ”, said I, “ in his noble simplicitp thought that
in writing thus he was honouring the emperor, not
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insulting him. We know, of course, that Constantine
the Roman emperor came here with the Roman knight-
hood and called the city he founded by his own name.
But as you have changed your language, customs and
dress, the mofk holy pope thought that the name of
the Romans, like their dress, would displease you. If
life be granted him, he will make this plain in his future
letters. Their superscription shall be this : . 1 John,
the Roman pope, to Nicephorus, Confkantine and
Basilius, the great andauguSl emperors of the Romans V*
Mark, pray, why I said this.
Ch. L1I. Nicephorus came to his high place on the
throne by perjury and adultery. Since the welfare
of all ChriSlians is a matter of anxiety to the pope of
Rome, let the lord pope send to Nicephorus a letter
like in all respects to those sepulchres which without are
whited, within are full of dead men’s bones. Let him
in that letter show him how by perjury and adultery
he has obtained the rule over his markers ; let him then
invite him to a synod, and if he will not come, let him
be smitten with the papal anathema. If the super-
scription be not as I have said, the letter will never
reach him.
Ch. LIII. Now let me return to my narrative.
When the aforesaid princes heard my undertaking
about the address on the letter, they said, not suspecting
any guile : “ We thank you, sir bishop ; it becomes
your wisdom to a£k as mediator in these important
matters. You are the only one of the Franks for whom
we now feel any efkeem. But when at your bidding
they have correCked their mifkakes, we will love them
also. As for yourself, when you return to us, you shall
not go away unrewarded ”. “ If ever I return here
of my own accord ”, I said to myself, “ may Nicephorus
give me a crown and a golden sceptre ! ” “ But tell
us ”, they continued, “ does your mofk sacred marker
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wish to confirm friendship with the emperor by a
marriage treaty ? ” “ When I came here, he wished
it ”, I replied, “ but during my long ffcay here he has
received no letter from me, and he thinks that you
have made a faux fas and put me in prison as a captive.
He is burning with rage, like a lioness robbed of her
whelps, and will not reft until he has taken vengeance in
juft wrath. He hates the idea of a marriage and is
only anxious to pour out his anger upon you ”. “ If
he tries to do that”, they answered, “neither Italy
will proteft him, nor his native land of Saxony, that
poverty-ftricken country where the people dress in
skins. With our money, which gives us power, we will
rouse the whole world againft him, and we will break
him in pieces like a potter’s vessel, which when broken
cannot be put into shape again. And since we think
that you have bought some cloaks in his honour, we
order them now to be produced. Those that are fit
for you shall be marked with a leaden seal and left in
your possession ; those that are prohibited to all
nations, except to us Romans, shall be taken away and
their price returned ”.
Ch. LIV. Thereupon they took from me five very
valuable pieces of purple cloth ; considering yourselves
and all the Italians, Saxons, Franks, Bavarians, Swabians
— nay, all nations — as unworthy to appear abroad in
such ornate veffcments. How improper and insulting
is it that these soft, effeminate creatures, with their long
sleeves and hoods and bonnets, idle liars of neither
gender, should go about in purple, while heroes like
yourselves, men of courage, skilled in war, full of faith
and love, submissive to God, full of virtues, may not !
“ But where is your emperor’s word i ” I said. “ Where
is the imperial promise ? When I said farewell to
him, I asked him up to what price he would allow me
to buy vefkments in honour of my church. He replied,
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‘ Buy any that you like and as many as you like ’. In
thus fixing quality and quantity he clearly did not
make a distinction, as if he had said, ‘ excepting this and
that His brother Leo, the marshal of the palace,
can bear me witness ; so can the interpreter Euodisius,
and John and Romanus. I can testify to it myself,
for even without the interpreter I understood what the
emperor said.” “ But these Stuffs are prohibited ”,
they replied, “ and when the emperor spoke as you say
he did he could not imagine that you would ever dream
of such things as these. As we surpass all other nations
in wealth and wisdom, so it is right that, we should
surpass them in dress. Those who are unique in the
grace of their virtue should also be unique in the beauty
of their raiment.”
Ch. LV. “ Such garments can hardly be called
unique,” I said, “ when with us Street walkers and
conjurors wear them.” “ Where do you get them
from ? ” they asked. “ From Venetian and Amalfian
traders ”, I replied, “ who by bringing them to us
support life by the food we give them.” “ They
shall not do so any longer ”, they answered. “ They
shall be searched, and if any cloth of this kind be found
on them, they shall be punished with a beating and
have their hair clipped close.” “ In the time of the
Emperor ConStantine, of blessed memory,” I said, “ I
came here not as bishop but as deacon, not sent by an
emperor or king but by the Marquess Berengar. I
then bought many more vestments of greater value
than those I have bought now, and they were not
inspected, and scrutinised by the Greeks, nor yet
stamped with a leaden seal. Now, having become a
bishop by the mercy of God and being sent as envoy
by the magnificent emperors, Otto and Otto, father
and son, I am treated with ignominy ; my vestments are
marked after the manner of the Venetians, and any of
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them that seem of value are taken from me, although
they are being transported for use in the church
entrusted to my care. Are you not weary of insulting
me, or rather, my masters, for whose sake I am thus
scorned ? Is it not enough that I was given into
custody, tortured by hunger and thirft, and not
allowed to return to them, but detained here until
now ? Muft you also, as one final insult to them, rob
me of things that are honestly mine ? At leaffc only
take away what I purchased ; leave me what was
presented as a gift by friends.” To that they replied :
“ The emperor Constantine was a mild man, who
always Stayed in his palace, and by peaceful methods
won the friendship of all the world. The Emperor
Nicephorus on the other hand shuns the palace as if
it were the plague. We call him a man of contention
and almoSt a lover of Strife ; he does not win people’s
friendship by offering them money, he subdues them to
his sway by terror and the sword. And that you may
realise in what eSteem we hold your royal makers, we
shall treat gifts and purchases in the same way : every
purple veStment you have acquired muSt be returned
to us ”.
Ch. LVI. Having done and said these things, they
gave me a letter written and sealed with gold to bring
to you ; but even that in my opinion was not worthy
of your greatness. They brought also another dispatch
sealed with silver and said : “ We think it improper for
your pope to receive a letter from our emperor. But
the marshal of the court, the emperor’s brother,
sends him an epiftle which is good enough for him —
by you and not by his pauper envoys — and warns him
that unless he comes to his senses he will find that he is
completely ruined
Cb. LVII. After I had received the letters they
bade me farewell and sent me off with many sweet and
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The Embassy to Constantinople
loving kisses. But as I went they despatched another
message, right worthy of themselves but not of me, to
the effeft that they would supply horses for myself
and my suite but not for my baggage. Consequently,
to my great and natural annoyance, I had to give my
guide a present worth fifty gold pieces as an extra fee.
I had no other means of repaying Nicephorus for his
miscondudt ; so I wrote the following verses upon the
wall of my hateful house and also upon a wooden table :
“ TruSt not the Greeks ; they live but to betray ;
Nor heed their promises, what e’er they say.
If lies will serve them, any oath they swear,
And when it’s time to break it feel no fear.
This lofty marble house with windows wide,
That has no well and cannot shade provide
AgainSt the sun, but lets in cold and heat,
Was for four summer months my sole retreat.
I, Liudprand, from far Cremona came
To the great town that bears Constantine’s name,
A messenger of peace, when my great lord,
The Emperor Otto, had with fire and sword
Gone up to conquer Bari, and in haSte
Wrought havoc and laid all the country waSte.
He yielded to my prayers, the vi Story won,
For lying Greece had promised to his son
Her princess as a bride. Ah, would that she.
Had not been born nor this land e’er seen me !
And then I should not have endured the spite
Of him who now refuses to unite
His Stepchild with our prince. The time draws near
When Mars, by Furies driven, will appear
And banish Peace, unless God bars his way,
Fair Peace, for whom the whole world sighs to-day.
And if he comes, all blame I shall decline :
The fault, Nicephorus, the fault is thine.”
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Ch. LV11I. After writing these lines, on the second
of October, I went on board my boat and left the city
that was once so rich and prosperous and is now such
a starveling, a city full of lies, tricks, perjury and greed,
rapacious, avaricious, vain-glorious. My guide was
with me and after forty-nine days of ass-riding, walking,
horse-riding, faSting, thirSting, sighing, weeping and
groaning, I arrived at Naupadtus, which is a city of
Nicopolis. There my guide deserted me after putting
us on two small ships and committing us to two
imperial messengers who were to bring me by sea to
Otranto. Their commission, however, did not give
them the right of obtaining supplies from the Greek
princes, who everywhere treated them with scorn,
and we fed them rather then they us. How often
in my indignation did I not think of Terence’s line 1 :
“Those whom you have sent to help us need themselves a
helper too.”
Ch. LIX. On the twenty third of November
then I left Naupadtus, and in two days reached the
river Phidari, my companions not remaining on the
ships, which could not hold them, but walking along
the shore. From where we were on the Phidari we
could see Patras eight miles away on the opposite coaSt.
This place of apo&olic suffering, which we had visited
with our prayers on our way up to Constantinople, we
now omitted — I confess my fault — to visit with prayers
a second time. My unspeakable longing to return to
you, my auguSt lords and masters, and my desire to see
you again was the cause of my weakness ; indeed, if it
had not been for that desire I think I should have died
there and then.
Ch. LX. A south wind rose up againSt me, madman
that I was, disturbing the sea to its loweSt depths by its
guSts. It did this for several days and nights in
* Terence, Emucbm , IV, 6, 32.
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The Embassy to Constantinople
succession and on the thirtieth of November, the day
of Andrew’s passion, I realised that my sin was the
cause of the trouble. Trouble taught me wisdom. We
were suffering terribly from hunger. The people of
the country were planning to murder us and seize our
goods. The sea was raging fiercely and prevented our
escape. So, turning to the church before my eyes,
I said with tears and lamentation : “ O holy apostle
Andrew, I am the servant of thy fellow-fisherman,
brother, and fellow apoftle Simon Peter. It was not
from diffcafte or from pride that I avoided the place of
thy passion ; I was tormented by love for my auguft
masters and by their command to return home. If my
sin has stirred thee to wrath, let the merit of my august
masters incline thee to mercy ; thou hast nothing
to bestow on thy brother; bestow something on
the emperors who show their love for thy brother by
clinging to Him who knows all things. Thou knoweft
with what labour and toil, with what vigils and at what
coft they have saved the Roman church of thy brother
Apostle Peter from the hands of the ungodly, and have
enriched, honoured and exalted it, and restored it to
its proper condition. If my works have brought me
into danger, let their merits save me ; and let not those
whom thy aforesaid brother in the faith and in the
flesh, Peter the chief apoTle of the apoftles, wishes to
rejoice and prosper, have cause for sorrow in this
matter, sorrow, I mean, for myself, who am their
envoy !
Ch. LXI. Truly, my masters and august emperors,
this is not flattery, nor do I sew pillows under my arms.
The thing, I repeat, is true. After two days through
your merits the sea grew calm and became so tranquil
that when our sailors deserted us we sailed the ship
ourselves the hundred and forty miles to Leucas,
suffering no danger or discomfort) except a little
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difficulty at the mouth of the river Achelous, where
its strong current is beaten back by the sea waves.
Ch. LXII. How, moSt mighty emperors, will you
repay God for all that He did for you in my case ? I
will tell you. This is God’s will and demand ; and
although He can do it without your help. He wishes you
to be His instruments in this matter. He himself
gives what is offered to Him, and He keeps what He
claims from us in order to crown His work. Attend
to me then, pray. Nicephorus, who loves to harm all
churches, out of the abundant envy he feels towards
you has ordered the patriarch of Constantinople to
raise the church of Otranto to the rank of an arch-
bishopric, and not to allow the divine mysteries through-
out Apulia and Calabria to be celebrated in Latin, but
to have them celebrated in Greek. He says that the
former popes were merchants who sold the Holy Spirit,
whereby all things are vivified and ruled, which fills
the world, which knows the Word, which is co-eternal
and consubStantial with God the Father and His Son
Jesus ChriSt, without beginning, without end, con-
tinually true, which is not valued at a price, but is
bought by the clean of heart for as much as they deem
it worth. So PolyeuCtus, the patriarch of Constanti-
nople, has written to the Bishop of Otranto, giving him
power under this authority to consecrate bishops in
Acerenza, Tursi, Gravena, Matera and Tricarico, all
sees which evidently belong to the jurisdiction of our
apoStolic Pope. But why need I say that, when the
churchof Constantinople itself is properly subjedt to our
holy catholic and apoStolic church of Rome ? We know,
nay, we have seen that the Bishop of Constantinople
only wears the pallium by permission of our holy father.
But when the godless Alberic, filled by cupidity not in
drops but in torrents, laid claim to the city of Rome and
held the apoStolic Pope like a slave in his dwelling,
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The Embassy to Constantinople
the emperor Romanos made his own son, the
eunuch Theophyladtus, patriarch. Knowing Alberic’s
cupidity, he sent him handsome presents and got a
letter despatched to the patriarch Theophyladtus in
our pope’s name, giving him and his successors authority
to wear the pallium without further papal permission.
The result of that shameful transadlion has been the
growth of the custom whereby not only the patriarchs
but all the Greek bishops now wear the pallium. How
absurd that is goes without further remark. It is
therefore my proposal that a sacred synod should be
held to which Polyeudtus shall be summoned. If he
be unwilling to come and refuse canonically to amend
the above Stated faults, then let that be done which
the sacred canons decree. Do you, moSt mighty
emperors, continue the work you have begun ; if
Nicephorus will not obey us, when we proceed to
convidt him canonically, see to it that he hears from
you, whose armies the old corpse does not dare to face.
This, I say, is what the apoStles, our makers and fellow-
soldiers, wish us to do. The Greeks muSt not hold
Rome a place of no account, because Conftantine left
it ; it muft rather receive especial love, veneration, and
respedt, inasmuch as the apoStles, the holy teachers
Peter and Paul, came there. May what I have written
on this matter suffice until by the grace of God and the
holy apoStles’ prayers I escape from the hands of the
Greeks and return to you. I hope then it will not
weary me to say what it irks me now to write. Now
let me return to my subjedt.
Ch. LXIII. On the sixth of December we came to
Leucas, where, as by all the other bishops, we were
moSt unkindly received and treated by the bishop who
is a eunuch. In all Greece — I speak the truth and do
not lie — I found no hospitable bishops. They are
both poor and rich ; rich in gold coins wherewith they
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The Embassy to Constantinople
gamble recklessly ; poor in servants and utensils. They
sit by themselves at a bare little table, with a ship’s
biscuit in front of them, and instead of drinking their
bath water they sip it from a tiny glass. They do
their own buying and selling ; they close and open
their doors themselves ; they are their own ftewards,
their own ass-drivers, their own “ capones ” — aha, I
meant to write “ caupones ”, but the thing is so true
that it made me write the truth against my will — as I
say, they are “ capones ”, that is, eunuchs, which is
against canon law ; and they are also “ caupones ”,
that is, innkeepers, which is again uncanonical. It is
true of them to say 1 :
Of old a lettuce ended the repast :
To-day it is the first course and the last.
If their poverty imitated that of Christ, I should
judge them happy in it. But their reason is sordid
gain and the accursed hunger for gold. May God be
merciful to them. I think that they aft thus because
their churches are tributary to the state. The bishop
of Leucas swore to me that his church had to pay
Nicephorus a hundred gold pieces every year, and the
other churches the same, more or less according to
their means. How unjuft this is is shown by the
enaftments of the holy patriarch Joseph. At the time
of the famine he made all Egypt pay tribute to
Pharaoh, but the land of the priefts he allowed to be
exempt.
Ch, LXIV. Leaving Leucas then on the fourteenth
of December and sailing the ship ourselves — for the
crew, as we said above, had run away — on the eighteenh
we arrived at Corfu. There, even before we left the
ship, we were met by a certain captain called Michael,
a Chersionite from Cherson. He was a gray-haired
man, jovial looking and of merry conversation ; but,
* Martial XIII, 14.
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The Embassy to Constantinople
as it afterwards proved, a devil in heart, as God showed
to me even then by clear signs, if only I had had the
wit to understand them. At the very moment when
he was giving me the kiss of peace, which in his heart
he did not mean, all the great island of Corfu trembled ;
and not only once but three times on the same day it
trembled to its base. Moreover, four days later, on
the twenty-second of December, while I was breaking
bread at table with the man who was treading me under
foot, the sun, ashamed of his disgraceful conduct, hid
the rays of his light and suffering an eclipse that
terrified Michael but did not change him.
Ch. LXV . I will explain what I did for him in the
way of friendship and what I received from him in
recompense. On my way up to Constantinople I gave
his son the coStly shield, gilded and wonderfully
ornamented, which you, my auguSt maSters, had given
me with the other presents I was to beStow upon
my Greek friends. On this occasion returning from
Constantinople I gave the father a very expensive
cloak ; and this is all the thanks I got. Nicephorus
had written that at whatever hour I should arrive he
should put me on a faSt galley and send me on to the
chamberlain Leo. He did not do this, but kept me
there for twenty days, I, not he, paying for my food ;
until at laSt a messenger came from the aforesaid
chamberlain Leo, rating him for delaying me. Unable
to endure my reproaches, lamentations and sighs he
went away and handed me over to a fellow so utterly
sinful and bad that he did not even allow me to buy
supplies until I gave him a caldron worth a pound of
silver. After twenty days I got away, but the man who
had had my caldron ordered the ship’s captain, after
passing a certain promontory, to put me ashore and
let me die of hunger. He did this because he had
turned over my cloaks to see if I had any purple cloth
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The Embassy to Constantinople
concealed, and I had refused to give him the one he
wanted. O you Michaels, you Michaels, where have
I ever found so many of you together and such ones !
The fellow at Constantinople who had charge of me
was a Michael, and he handed me over to a rival
Michael, bad to worse, rascal to rogue. My guide was
also called Michael, a simple man indeed, but one whose
saintly simplicity harmed me almoSt as much as did
the others’ perversity. But from the hands of these
puny Michaels I fell into yours, O monStrous Michael,
half-hermit, half-monk. I tell you and I tell you
truly ; the bath water will not avail you, which you
drink so assiduously for the love of St. John the
BaptiSt. Those who seek God falsely never merit to
find him.
2 77
INDEX OF PERSONS
(The references are in the ANTAPODOSIS (A) to hooks and shapers ;
in the OTTONIS GESTA (0) and the LEGATIO (L) to chapers only .
In the spelling of proper names one form for convenience is used : Liud-
prand writes indifferently Ludovicus , Lodovicus, Hlodoicus , Hulodoicus
for our Louis and the German Ludwig ; Adalbertus, Adelbertus,
Adelpertus ; Marosia , Marotia , Marozia ; Rusi , Russi , Rusii > etc.)
Abderahamen, Caliph, A , I, ii ; V, ii ; V, xix
Abraham, Patriarch, A , IV, xxvi
Ahab, King of Israel, A , V, xvii
Adelard, Bishop, A , V, xxvi ; V, xxix
Adalbert, King of Italy, 0, i ; vii ; Z, xxix ; xxx
Adalbert, Marquess of Ivrea, A , II, xxxiii ; II, lv ; IV, viii ; V, iv
Adalbert, Marquess of Tuscany, A 9 I, xxxix; I, xli ; II, xxxvi ;
III, vii
Adalbert, Count of Bamberg, A 9 II, vi
Adelaide, Empress of Germany, A , IV, xiii; Z, i
Adeltac, Archbishop of Hamburg, 0, ix
Adrian, Cardinal-prieft of Calixtus, 0, ix
Adrian, Cardinal-priest of Lucina, 0, ix.
Adrian, notary, 0, ix
Athelftan, King of England, A , IV, xvii
Alberic, Marquess of Spoleto, A , II, xlviii
Alberic, Prince of Rome, A , III, xlv ; III, xlvi ; IV, iii ; V, iii ;
Z, lxii
Alda, wife of King Hugh, A , III, xx ; IV, xiii
Alda, daughter of King Hugh, A t IV, iii
Alexander the Great, Z, xxix
Alexander, Byzantine Emperor, A , III, xxvi
Ambrose, Count of Bergamo, A , I, xxiii
Amedeus, Vassal of Berengar II, A 9 V, xviii
Andrew, Apoftle, Z, lx
Andrew, Treasurer, 0, ix,
Andrew, Commander of the guard, A, VI, ii
Anna, Prophetess, A , III, xxxvi
279
Index of Persons
Anna, Midress of Pope John XII, 0, x
Anscar, Marquess of Spoleto, A , II, lvi ; A , V, iii-viii
Anscar, Marquess of Ivrea, A , I, xxxv
Antony, Bishop of Brescia, A , V, xxix ; X , xxxviii
Arcod, Vassal of Anscar, A, V, vi
Arderic, Archbishop of Milan, A, V, xxvii
Arnold, Duke of Bavaria, A , II, xix; II, xxi ; III, xlix ; III, li
Arnulf, Emperor of Germany, A , I, fassim
Attila, King of the Huns, A , III, vi
Azo, Notary, 0, ix
Azo, Cleric, 0, ix
Basil I, Byzantine Emperor, A , I, viii-x ; III, xxxii-xxxiv
Basil II, Byzantine Emperor, X , xli, li
Basil, Chamberlain, X, xv
Benadab, King of Syria, A, V, xvii
Benedict V, Pope, 0, vii ; x ; xiv ; xxii
Benedict, Cardinal-archdeacon, 0, ix; xxii
Benedid, Cardinal-priest of Sixtus, 0, ix
Benedid, Bishop of Porto, 0, ix
Benedid, Spiritual father of Pope John XII, 0, x
Benedid, Subdeacon of offertories, 0, ix
Benedid, Subdeacon and deward, 0, ix
Benedid, Notary, 0, ix.
Benedid, Roman magnate, 0, ix
Benedid, Roman cleric, 0, ix
Berengar I, Emperor of Italy, A, I ; A , II,
Berengar II, Marquess of Ivrea and King of Italy, A, II, xxxiii
II, lvi ; III, i ; IV, viii ; V, iv ; V, x-xii ; V, xviii ; V, xxvi-xxxii
VI, ii-vi ; 0, i-iii ; v-vi ; xv ; X, iv ; v ; lv
Berta, Daughter of Lothair II, A , I, xxxix ; II, lv-lvi ; III, xviii
Berta, Daughter of Bruchard, wife of King Hugh, A , II, lx ; IV, xiii
Berta, Daughter of King Hugh, A , V, xx
Berta, Daughter of Boso, A , IV, xi ; V, xxxi
Bertald, Duke of Bavaria, A , IV, xxxi
Boethius, Philosopher, A , I, i
Bojan, Son of Simeon of Bulgaria, A , III, xxix
Boneface, Marquess of Camerino, A , I, xxi ; II, Ixvi
Bonofil, Cardinal deacon, 0, ix
Boso, Marquess of Tuscany, A , III, Ixvii ; IV, xi
Boso, Count of Arles, A , V, xxxi
Boso, Bishop of Piacenza, A , IV, xiv
Bruchard, Duke of Swabia, A, II, lx ; III, xiii-xv
280
Index of Persons
Bruno, Archbishop of Cologne, A, IV, xv
Bugat, King of the Hungarians, A , II, lxi
Bulgamin, Roman magnate, 0, ix
Charlemagne, A , II, xxvi ; V, xxx
Charles III, Emperor, A , I, xv
Catiline, A , III, xxxix
Centebald, Duke of the Maravani, A, I, v; I, xiii
Centebald, Son of Arnulf, A , I, xx-xxi
Christopher, Byzantine Emperor, A } III, xxxvii-xxxviii ; L , xvi,
xix
Christopher, Byzantine official, Z, xlvi
Conrad, King of the Franks, A y II, xvii-xxiv
Conrad the Wise, A , IV, xxix
Conrad, Bishop of Lucca, 0, ix
Cicero, A , I, i ; III, xxxix
Cona, Son of Berengar II, Z, xxx
ConStantine the Great, A, I, vi ; IV, xxv ; Z, xvii ; li ; lxii
ConStantine VII Porphyrogenitus, Byzantine Emperor, A , I, v
I, vi ; II, xlv ; III, xxvi ; III, xxxvii ; V, xxii-xxiv ; VI, ii-x
ConStantine, Son of Romanos, A , III, xxxvii ; V, xiv ; V, xxii-
xxiv
ConStantine VIII, Byzantine Emperor, Z, lxi
Crescenti, Roman magnate, 0, ix
Croesus, Z, xlviii
David, King of Israel, A , II, xlii ; IV, xxix ; V, xxx
Demetrius, Roman magnate, 0, ix
Demetrius, Roman cleric, 0, ix
Diavolinus, Byzantine soldier, A , V, xxii
Dominic, Cardinal prieft of AnaStasia, 0, ix
Dominic, Ambassador, Z, xxxi
Dominic, Chaplain, A , V, xxxii
Dursac, King of the Hungarians, A , II, lxi
Edith, Wife of Otto I, A , IV, xvii
Ennodius, Bishop of Pavia, Z, xxii
Ermengarde, Daughter of Adalbert of Tuscany, A , II, lvi ; III, vii-xi
IV, viii ; V, iv
Eutychius, Patriarch of Constantinople, Z, xxii
Everard, Count, A y II, xviii ; IV, xxix-xxx
Everard, Bishop of Arezzo, 0, ix
281
Index of Persons
Flambert, Vassal of Ingelfred, A , II, lxviii-lxxiii
Focas, Byzantine general, A , III, xxvii-xxviii
Formosus, Pope, A , I, xviii-xxxi
Frederick, Archbishop of Maintz, A , IV, xxxii-xxxiii
Gariard, Count, J, II, lxvi
Gezo, Judge at Pavia, A , III, xxxix-xli
Gezo, Bishop of Tortona, 0, xiv
Girberga, Daughter of Berengar II, A , V, xxxii
Gisla, Daughter of Berengar I, A , II, xxxiii ; A , II, lvi ; V. iv
Gisla, Daughter of Berengar II, A , V, xxxii
Gisla, Daughter of Boso, A, IV, xi
Gislebert, Duke of Lorraine, A , II, xviii ; IV, xxi-xxix
Gislebert, Count of Bergamo, A , II, lxi-lxiv ; III, xxxix
Gregory the Great, Z, xxii
Gregory, Bishop of Albano, 0, ix
Grimizo, Vassal of Adalbert, Z, xxix
Hannibal, A , I, i
Hasdrubal, A , I, i
Hatto, Archbishop of Maintz, A , II, vi
Hatto, Count, V, viii
Henry I, King of Saxony, A , II, xviii-xxxi ; III, xxi ; III, xlviii
IV, xv ; IV, xxv
Henry, Son of Henry I, A , IV, xviii-xxiv ; IV, xxxii-xxxv
Henry, Archbishop of Tr&ves, 0, xiv
Helena, Daughter of Romanos I, A , III, xxx ; V, xx
Helena, Mother of Constantine the Great, A , IV, xxv
Hermann, Duke of Swabia, A , IV, xxiii ; IV, xxix ; V, i ; V, xii
Hermagoras, Disciple of S. Mark, A , III, v
Hermenald, Bishop of Reggio, 0, ix
Herod, King of Judsea, A, IV, xxv ; V. xvii
Herodias, A, IV, xliv
Hippolytus, Bishop of Sicily, Z, xl-xli
Holofernes, A , III, xi
Horace, A> III, xxviii
Hubald, Father of Boneface, A , I, xxi
Hubert, Prince of Tuscany, A , III, xx
Hugh, Count of Arles, King of Italy, A , III, passim ; A , IV, ii-xiv
V, passim
Hugh, Son of Manfred, I, xlii
Igor (Inger), King of Russia, A , V, xv
Ildeprand, Count, A , I, xl-xli
282
Index of Persons
Ildoin, Bishop of Verona, A , III, xiii
Ingelfred, Patriarch of Aquileia, O, ix
Ita, Daughter of Hermann, A, V, i
Jezebel, A , III, i
Job, A , III, xv
John the Baptist, A , xliv
John, Apostle, A , I, xiii ; iv, xxvi
John Chrysostom, L , xxix
John X, Pope, A, II, xlvii-liv ; III, xvii ; III, xliii
John XI, Pope, A , II, xlviii ; III, xliii ; III, xlvi
John XII, Pope, 0, passim
John XIII, Pope, 0, vii ; ix ; L, xlvii ; 1
John, Cardinal prieft of Caecilia, 0, ix
John, Cardinal prieSt of Equitius, 0, ix
John, Cardinal prieSt of Susanna, 0, ix
John, Cardinal deacon, 0, i, vi, ix, xx
John, Cardinal subdeacon, O, x
John, Bishop of Anagni, 0, ix
John, Bishop of Veroli, 0, ix
John, Bishop of San Liberato, 0, ix
John, Bishop of Gallese, O, ix
John, Bishop of Nepi, 0, ix
John, Bishop of Norma, 0, ix
John, Bishop of Pavia, 0, ix
John, Bishop of Piftoia, 0, ix
John, Bishop of Sabina, 0, ix
John, Bishop of Tivoli, 0, ix
John Mizina, Roman magnate, 0, ix
John de Primicerio, Roman magnate, 0, ix
Joseph, Bishop of Brescia, A , V, xxix
Judas Iscariot, A > I, xxx ; II, lxx ; I, xiv
Judas Maccabeus, A t IV, xxvii
Julian the Apo&ate, A , III, xxix ; IV, vii
Julius Caesar, A> I, i ; I, xxvi
Juno, A , III, xli; IV, xiv
Jupiter, A , III, xli; O, x
Justinian, Z, v
Lambert, Emperor of Italy, A , I, xxxviii-xliv
Lambert, Son of Adalbert of Tuscany, A , II, lvi ; III, xliii ; III, xlvii ;
IV, xi
Lampert, Archbishop of Milan, A , II, Iviii ; III, xii ; III, xiv ; III, xiii
283
Index of Persons
Landohard, Bishop of Minden, 0, ix
Landulf I, Prince of Benevento, A , II, li ; IV, ix
Leo VI, Byzantine Emperor, A , I, vi ; I, xi-xii ; II, xlv ; III, xxv-xxvi
Leo VIII, Pope, 0, vi, xvi, xxii
Leo, Cardinal prie£t of Balbina, 0, ix
Leo, Bishop of Pavia, A , III, xli
Leo, Bishop of Velletri, 0, ix
Leo, Head of the school of singers, 0, ix
Leo, Notary, 0, ix
Leo, Brother of Nicephorus, X, passim
Leo, Vassal of Adalbert, A , II, lxii
Leo de Cazunuli, Roman magnate, 0, ix
Liudprand, A, I, i ; 0, i, vii, ix, xi ; X, i
Liutefred, Bishop of Pavia, A , v, xxx
Liutefred, Merchant, A , VI, iv
Liutulf, Son of Otto I, A , IV, xvii ; V, i
Louis II (Ludovic, Ludwig), Son of Lothair I, X , vii
Louis III, Son of Boso, A, II, xxxii-xli
Louis the Child, A> II, i ; II, vi ; II, xvii
Lothair, Son of King Hugo, A , III, xx ; IV, ii ; IV, xiii ; V, x ;
V, xxviii; VI, ii
Lucian, A , I, xii
Matilda, wife of Henry I, A , IV, xv
Maginfred, Count of Milan, A , I, xxxix-xlii
Manasses, Archbishop of Milan, A , IV, vi-vii ; V, xxvi
Manuel, Byzantine patrician, X , xliii
Marinus, Bishop of Sutri, 0, ix
Marozia, Daughter of Theophylaft, A , II, xlviii ; III, xviii ; III,
xliv-xlv
Michael, Archangel, I, x ; III, xxxiv ; III, xlv
Michael III, Byzantine Emperor, A , I, viii-x ; III, xxxii-xxxiv
Michael of the Chersonese, L , lxiv
Michael of Constantinople, X, lxv.
Milo, Count of Verona, A> II, lxxiii ; III, xlviii-li ; V, xxvii
Moses, A , III, xliv; IV, xxiv
Nicephorus, Byzantine Emperor, X, fassim
Oddo, King of France, A , I, xv-xvi
Odelric, Count of the Palace, A , II, lviii-lix
Otbert, Marquess, 0, i
Otker, Archbishop of Spires, 0, ix
284
Index of Persons
Otto, Duke of Saxony, A , I, xxiv
Otto I, Emperor, A , I, v ; I, xxiv ; IV, xvi-xxxv ; V. i ; V, xii-xiii ;
VI, vi ; 0, passim : X, passim
Otto II, son of Otto I, 0, ii, viii, xxii ; X. passim
Paul, Apoftle, A , II, liv ; V, xvii ; 0, i ; X, lxii
Peter, Apostle, II, liv ; V, xvii ; 0, i ; X, lxii
Peter, King of Bulgaria, A , III, xxix ; III, xxxviii ; X , xvi, xix
Peter, Cardinal priest of Damasus, 0, ix
Peter, Cardinal prieft of Pamachius, 0, ix
Peter, Archbishop of Ravenna, 0, ix
Peter, Bishop of Bologna, A , II, xlviii
Peter, Bishop of Camerino, 0, ix
Peter, Bishop of Como, A , III, xxxviii
Peter, Roman Plebeian, 0, ix
Perzola, Mistress of King Hugh, A , IV, xiv; V, xx
Plato, X, xxvi
Polyeudtus, Patriarch of Constantinople, X, lxii
Pompey the Great, A y I, i ; I, xxvi
Radamir, King of Galicia, A , V, ii
Raimund, Prince of Aquitania, A , V, xxxi
Rather, Bishop of Verona, A , III, xlii ; III, liii
Racemund, Bishop of Elvira, A> I, i
Richilda, Daughter of Bozo of Tuscany, A , IV, xi
Rihkard, Roman magnate, 0, ix
Romanos I, Byzantine Emperor, A , II, xlv ; III, xxii-xxxviii ; V,
xiv-xxv; X, vii
Romanos II, Byzantine Emperor, A , V, xiv-xxv
Romanus, Bishop of Ferentino, 0, ix
Roza, Mistress of King Hugh, A , III, xxxix ; IV, xiv
Rodulf, King of Burgundy and Italy, A , II, Ix-lxvii ; III, ii ; III,
viii-xvi ; III, xlviii ; IV, xiii
Sabbatinus, Bishop of Terracina, 0, ix
Salard, Hungarian chief, A , III, ii
Solomon, King of Judaea, A, I, i
Solomon, Byzantine eunuch, A , VI, iv
Samson, Count, A, III, xli ; IV, xxv
Sarlio, Marquess of Camerino, A y V, v-viii
Scipio, A y I, i
Sergius III, Pope, A, I, xxx, xxxi; II, xlviii; III, xliii
Sergius, Chief warden, 0, ix
285
Index of Persons
Sico, Bishop of Bieda, 0, ix
Sico, Bishop of Oftia, 0, ix
Sigefrid, Bishop of Parma, A , V, xx-xxi
Sigulf, Bishop of Piacenza, 0, xiv
Simeon, King of Bulgaria, A, I, v ; III, xxvii ; III, xxix ; III, xxxviii
Simeon, Byzantine official, Z , xix
Stephana, Miftress of Pope John XII, 0, iv
Stephania, Mistress of Pope John XII, 0, iv
Stephen, Son of Romanos I, A, III, xxxvii ; A, V, xxi-xxv
Stephen, Cardinal archpriest of Nereus, 0, ix %
Stephen, Cardinal prieSt of Sabina, 0, ix
Stephen, Bishop of Cervetri, 0, ix
Stephen, Notary, 0, ix
Stephen de Iniza, Roman magnate, 0, ix
Stephen, archacolyte, 0, ix
Taxis, King of Hungary, A> V, xxxiii
Tedbald (Theobald), Marquess of Camerino, A , IV, ix ; V, iv
Tedbald, Son of King Hugh, A , iv, xiv
Terence, A , II, lix ; Z , lviii
Teudin, Vassal of King Hugh, A , III, xlvii
Theodora, Wife of Theophyladi, A, 11, xlviii
Theodora, Daughter of Theophyladi, A , II, xlviii
Theodore de Rufina, Roman magnate, 0, ix
Theophana, Wife of Romanos I, Z , vii
TheophylaSt, Cardinal prieft of Chrysogonus, 0, ix
Theophyladf, Cardinal prieSt of Four Saints, 0, ix
Theophyla£t, Son of Romanos I, L , lxii
Thomas, Apostle, A, IV, xxvi
Ulysses, A , V, xviii ; Z, iii
Urso, Roman cleric, 0, ix
Valentian III, Roman Emperor, Z, v
Vegetius, Military writer, A , IV, xx
Venus, A , I, xi ; II, xlviii ; III, xliv ; IV, xiv ; O, x
Virgil, I, xxxii; I, xxxv ; III, ix ; III, xvi
Vulcan, A , II, iv ; III, iii
Waldo, Bishop of Como, A , V, xxix ; 0, i
Waldpert, Archbishop of Milan, 0, i, ix.
Waldrada, Wife of Boneface, ^,11, lxvi
Walpert, Judge at Pavia, A , iii, xxxix-xli
286
Index of Persons
Wido (Guido, Guy), Emperor of Italy
Wido, Marquess of Tuscany, J, I, v ; I, xiv-xxxvii
Wido, Bishop of Modena, A , v, xxvii
Wido, Bishop of Piacenza, A, II, Ixv
Wido, Bishop of Selva, 0, ix
Wikbert, Vassal of Anscar, A , V, vi-vii
Willa, Wife of Boso, A , IV, xi-xii
Willa, Wife of Berengar II, A , III, i; IV, viii ; IV, xi; V, x-xi ;
V, xxxii; 0, i, vi
Zacheus, Bishop, 0, vi
Ztfe, Wife of Leo VI, A , III, xxvi
287
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w
319 1